مقاله
 

 

 

 به نام خدا

 

 درس مقاله نویسی علمی وفنی

 

 استاد محترم :جناب اقای دکتر قلی نیا

تهیه کننده :ایزدی

تیرماه 1390

 

http://newday83.blogfa.com                 ادرس وب لاگ :

تمامی مقالات وپروپوزال در   عناوین مطالب در وب لاگ
+ نوشته شده در  دوشنبه ششم تیر 1390ساعت 11:34  توسط ایزدی | 

1-

سوالات پژوهشی دربیان مسئله :سوال پژوهشی همان مسئله مبهم ونامشخص است که به وضوح تمایز رسیده وبا توجه به محدوده های در نظر گرفته شده ,از قابلیت های لازم برای بررسی برخوردار است.

این سوال به دو مطالعه نظام مند پیشین وپسین وابسته است .محقق ابتدا با سوال پژوهشی مواجه شده , سعی می کند تا با وضوح بخشی به سوال پژوهشی از درون ان مساله را بطور کاملا واضح وروشن تشخیص دهد. در حقیقت سوال پژوهشی ,سوالی است که پاسخگویی به ان دارای اولویتی بالا جهت افزایش کارامدی رویه های فعالیتی است.یافتن پاسخ این سوال نیازمند جستجویی کامل ونه مراجعه به یک یا چند منبع اطلاعاتی است ,مثل استفاده از فراموتورهای کاوش در شبکه جهان گستروب.

سوالات اموزشی مطرح بین محقق وتیم پژوهشی: سوالی که جواب ان برای شخص محقق وتیم تحقیقاتی نامشخص است وبرعکس سوالات پژوهشی به دو مطالعه نظام مند پیشین وپسین وابسته نیست .

سوالات مربوط به بخش سوالات تحقیق فصل اول:سوالاتی که در رابطه با متغییرها بوده :

-         یا رابطه متغییرها را بیان می کند : سوالات رابطه ای

-         یا سطوح بین متغییرها را با هم مقایسه می کند وتفاوت ان ها را می سنجد : سوالات مقایسه ای

-         یا به بیان رابطه علی – معلولی (رگرسیونی) بین دو متغییر می پردازد : سوالات علی – معلولی

-         یا در تحقیقات توصیفی به توصیف رویداد ها می پردازد واین سوالات بدون جهت بیان می شوند : سوالات توصیفی

در تحقیقات کمی وکیفی مسئله به صورت سوال مشاهده می شود.

سوالات جستجو کننده که به ذهن خود ما می رسد : سوالات کل تحقیق که جهت تحقیق رابطور مستقیم وغیرمستقیم مشخص می کنند . مربوط به اهداف تحقیق است وبا پاسخ به این سوالات به هدف مورد نظر دست می یابیم .درتحقیق تجربی وتحلیلی که حول یک سوال مشخص ورسیدن به پاسخ ان انجام می شود, مطرح هستند. فرضیه ها هم در پاسخ به سوال تحقیق تدوین می گردد.

پاسخ این سوالات در دایره المعارف یافت می شود.

 

بعد از این که مساله پژوهش تعیین وبیان شد ,کار بعدی پژوهشگر بیان سوالات پژوهش است . یعنی خرد کردن وشکستن مساله پژوهش به یک تعداد سوال,که درواقع از طریق پاسخ یابی به این سوال ها , مساله پژوهش پاسخ داده خواهد شد.

 

+ نوشته شده در  دوشنبه ششم تیر 1390ساعت 11:30  توسط ایزدی | 

2- برای ریشه یابی کلمه تحقیق ابتدا باید دو کلمه حقیقت وواقعیت رادرک کرد.

حقیقت :قاعده یا پهنه هایی از قوانین موجود می باشد که باید با تلاش هدفدار (روش علمی )ان ها را شناخت. حقایق در حوزه فیزیک ومتافیزیک موجود می باشند. حقایق تبیین کننده وشرح دهنده علل وقوع رویدادها هستند وبه همین دلیل ان را شناخت می نامند .

واقعیت ان چیزهایی است که واقع شده واجرا می گردند.درمدل های ایستا :واقعیت توسط یک یا چند حقیقت خاص قابل تفسیر بوده ولی در مدل های پویا ,جهت نشان دادن جریان پذیری نظام ,در پهنه های واقعیت ,حقیقت های زیادی با اهداف خاص ومتاثر از اراده یا اراده هایی معلوم یا نامعلوم جاری       می باشد .

شناخت حقیقت و واقعیت تنها بخشی از روند تحقیق است .شامل قسمت search یا جستجو. تحقیق , جستجوئی سازمان یافته متکی به داده ,نقادانه وعلمی در زمینه یک مسئله ویژه می باشد با هدف پاسخ -یابی یا پیداکردن راه حل مسئله .

پیشوند re ,به معنای مجدد یا دوباره ,پس research به معنای جستجوی مجدد.علت انتخاب اصطلاح جستجوی مجدد برای تحقیق ,بدلیل وجود جستجوی اول انجام شده در راستای شناخت حقیقت و واقعیت مرتبط با مسئله وجستجوی دوم جهت پاسخگویی به مسئله تحقیق یا دغدغه پژوهش بکار می رود .دو قسمت re,search  در یک تحقیق در تعامل مداوم با یکدیگر بوده وبرهم تاثیر می گذارند .وsearch   دربرگیرنده دواصطلاح عین وذهن می باشد که در وجود خود فرد اتفاق می افتد.

عین بدست اوردن دادن داده ها وذهن به معنای ادراک وتجزیه وتحلیل داده های بدست امده می باشد.

فرایند عمومی پژوهش شامل چهار مرحله زیر است:

امادگی:اماده شدن محقق جهت مواجهه با یک مسئله وپرسش(حقیقت یابی وواقعیت یابی ).

پختگی:فعالیت نیمه هوشیار وفشرده ای که باعث می شود ,بعد از مطالعه ابعاد گوناگون کار ,عقیده ای در نیمه هوشیار محقق شکل گرفته وبه ارامی تراوش کند.

اشراق:نوعی اکتشاف صورت پذیرفته ومحقق فرضیه هایی را جهت پاسخ به مسئله پژوهش ارائه      می دهد ,که می تواند دفعی یا تدریجی صورت گیرد.

اثبات:اگر پژوهشگر به فرضیه ای برسد,می بایست ان را سنجیده تا مشخص سازدکه ایا فرضیه حاضر, کلیه رویدادهای مربوط به مسئله را بطور کامل تبیین می کند یا خیر ,که ممکن است فرضیه کاملا تشخیص داده نشود ومحقق مجبور به تکرار روند گذشته باشد.(ساختار شکنی ذهنی ).

 

 

 

 

امادگی -------------à--------------اثبات                    حقیقت------------à------------- ذهن

ا                                               ا                            ا                                       ا

v                                               ^        --<----         v                                       ^                                                                                      

ا                                               ا                           ا                                       ا

پختگی -------------->---------------اشراق                   واقعیت-------------->-------------عین

 

 

 

 

در هر تحقیق ابتدا نیاز به شناخت حقیقت وپیدا کردن واقعیت های موجود (search) وجمع اوری داده ها برای شکل دادن فرضیه (عین) وادراک وتجزیه وتحلیل داده ها در ذهن فرد (research) برای اثبات فرضیه لازم است.بعد از اثبات فرضیه حقیقتی جدید کشف خواهد شد واین چرخه ادامه می یابد.

+ نوشته شده در  دوشنبه ششم تیر 1390ساعت 11:28  توسط ایزدی | 

3- بر طبق پرس وجوی انجام شده دانشگاه شیراز برا ی شماره گذاری مقالات درمجلات  مدتی تلاش نموده که به علت مشکلات زیاد نرم افزاری موفق نشده ,وبرای اینکه در اینکار پیشقدم باشد درپی تلاشی مجدد است.

در مجلات خارجی مقالات با شماره اختصاری :                                                            EAN

نشان داده می شوند .

E : EUROPE 

A : ARTICLE

N : NUMBER

+ نوشته شده در  دوشنبه ششم تیر 1390ساعت 11:27  توسط ایزدی | 

4-دوکتاب مرجع ترویج:

1- فرهنگ کشاورزی ومنابع طبیعی ترویج و اموزش کشاورزی :    نوع فرهنگ لغت

سلمان زاده,سیروس وهمکاران .(1379). فرهنگ کشاورزی ومنابع طبیعی ترویج و اموزش کشاورزی.تهران:دانشگاه تهران.

2- واژه نامه ترویج کشاورزی:  نوع واژه نامه

شهبازی,اسماعیل وعزت ا... کرمی.(ویراستاران).(1372)واژه نامه ترویج کشاورزی.(چاپ اول). اهواز:دانشگاه شهید چمران.

پنج کتاب مرجع کشاورزی:

1- فرهنگ مصور ماشین های کشاورزی : نوع فرهنگ مصور – انگلیسی-فارسی

امینی,امین ومهدی افقی .(1375).فرهنگ مصور ماشین های کشاورزی .(چاپ اول).

تهران:انتشارات کارنو.

2- فرهنگ کشاورزی ومنابع طبیعی :  نوع فرهنگ لغت

ستوده ,غلامرضا وسید محمد اشکان ومحمدرضا داهی .(ویراستاران).(1383). فرهنگ کشاورزی ومنابع طبیعی .(چاپ دوم).تهران :دانشگاه تهران.

3-فرهنگ متداول کشاورزی:  نوع فرهنگ لغت

کریمی,هادی.(1367). فرهنگ متداول کشاورزی.(چاپ اول).تهران:ناشر علم کشاورزی ایران.

4-اطلس ماهیان اکواریومی اب شیرین :  نوع اطلس

علی اصغری ,مهرداد.(ویراستار).(1388). اطلس ماهیان اکواریومی اب شیرین.(چاپ اول).

تهران:پرتو واقعه

5- فرهنگ اصطلاحات علوم دامی :  نوع فرهنگ لغت

ضمیری,محمد جواد .(ویراستار).(1384). فرهنگ اصطلاحات علوم دامی.(چاپ دوم).

رشت:ناشر حسن عبدی.

+ نوشته شده در  دوشنبه ششم تیر 1390ساعت 11:25  توسط ایزدی | 

7- 

                                                       پایان نامه

                    مقالات                              نامه ها                          امار

                    پروپوزال ها                       داده ها                          منابع وماخذ

                   

جستجوی مقالات:عوامل موثربرمشارکت زنان روستایی دردوره های اموزشی ترویجی

براساس کلیدواژه ها

                   مشارکت                     دوره های اموزشی                    عوامل موثر بر مشارکت

                   زن روستایی               دوره های اموزشی ترویجی           مشارکت زنان روستایی

 

پروپوزال

                عنوان                 اطلاعات راجع به موضوع                     اهمیت موضوع

                 روش شناسی(نوع,روش اماری,...)                                  زمان بندی

                 براورد هزینه ها                                                         تاییدیه نهایی

 

                                                        نامه ها

              نامه های ارسال شده

نامه های دریافت شده

              به استاد راهنما

              به سازمان امار

              به ارگان های مربوطه

                      ...

از استاد راهنم

از سازمان امار

از ارگان های مربوطه

...

 

داده ها

             داده های کمی

داده های کیفی

             گسسته -پیوسته

اطلاعات

             متن خوانی – جدول خوانی- نقشه خوانی-تصویر خوانی – فیلم – اسلاید -

             مصاحبه – مشاهده – پرسش نامه ...

 

امار

            تعیین جامعه اماری                                    مشخص کردن روش نمونه گیری

            تعیین حجم نمونه                                       تجزیه وتحلیل داده ها

            روش گرداوری داده ها

 

منابع وماخذ

کتب مرجع                                مقاله ها                         پایان نامه ها

نمایه ها                                    چکیده مقالات                  اینترنت

مجلات اداری                             مجلات غیر ادواری          اسنادومدارک

 

با توجه به اینکه هر پایان نامه دارای 6 فصل است ,برای تکمیل هر فصل نیاز به اطلاعاتی است که این مراحل همگی در باکسی همراه هم اورده شده است ,سپس هر قسمت جداگانه به زیر بخش هایی تقسیم می شود .اطلاعات مربوط به هر قسمت جداگانه تهیه ودرپایان همه سرجمع می شوند.

+ نوشته شده در  دوشنبه ششم تیر 1390ساعت 11:24  توسط ایزدی | 
 

 

 

بررسی عوامل موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستایی استان خراسان جنوبی در   دوره های اموزشی – ترویجی

درس مقاله نویسی علمی وفنی

 

استاد محترم:جناب اقای دکتر قلی نیا

 

تهیه کننده:شعله ایزدی

این پروپوزال به عنوان تکلیف درس مقاله نویسی علمی و ترویجی اقای دکتر جواد محمد قلی نیا بوده و برای ارزشیابی توسط خوانندگان (بد یا خوب ) بر روی وبلاگ قرار گرفته است.

                                               معرفی موضوع

برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی یکی از محور های توانمند سازی زنان روستائی است و اولین گام در جهت توانمندی سازی زنان روستائی فراهم کردن نیازهای اموزشی و ترویجی انان می باشد ودر مرحله بعد مشارکت واقعی زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی از اهمیت خاصی برخوردار است. در این میان جلب مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های ترویجی و شناخت سازه های موثر بر ان موضوع مهمی است که , در مورد زنان روستائی به عنوان بخش مهمی از ارباب رجوع ترویج مطرح می گردد. این تحقیق به منظور بررسی عوامل تاثیر گذار بر مشارکت می باشد وتلاش می کند تا راهکارها و پیشنهاد های لازم برای برنامه ریزان ارائه دهد ویژگی های فرهنگی اجتماعی موثر ترین عامل بر مشارکت زنان روستائی می باشد و عوامل تشویق کننده دررتبه  دوم قرار دارد . بنابراین برنامه ها و پیشنهاد هائی که عرضه می گردد, باید بر اساس ویژگی های فرهنگی و اجتماعی و عوامل تشویق کننده تدوین شود تا ضمانت اجرائی داشته باشد.

بیان مسئله

زنان روستائی به عنوان نیروی کار در تعالی بخش های اقتصادی روستا فعال هستند. فعالیت زنان در بهبود وضع اقتصادی خانوار روستائی موثر است .امروز مشخص شده است در کشور های پر درامد با تکنولوژی پیشرفته فعالیت های زنان به سرعت در حال دگرگونی است از این جهت سنجش عوامل موثر بر مشارکت زنان از اهمیت خاصی برخوردار است . دیدگاه ترویج در مورد توجه به زنان روستائی بر اساس اصولی است که ترویج خود را ملزم به رعایت ان می بیند از جمله اینکه : زنان همانند مردان خواهان داشتن سلامت ,فرصت ,ثروت وحسن روابط و ارامش هستند. زنان خواهان فرصتهائی برابر با مردان جهت ارتقای سطح معلومات ,اگاهی ها و مهارت های خود هستند تا زندگی بهتری برای خود و خانواده خویش فراهم کنند.از انجا که زنان روستائی پرورش دهندگان نسلهای مولد اینده اند هزاران دختر و پسری که در مناطق روستائی زندگی می کنند , توانائی بالقوه ای جهت تولید محصولات غذائی هستند.

در کشورهای در حال توسعه فرصتهای موجود برای اموزش رسمی و فنی روستازادگان و به خصوص دختران بسیار محدود است و برای نظام اموزشی ترویج بسیار مهم است که زنان روستائی با ارتقاء سطح اگاهی ها ی خود تصمیمات درستی اتخاذ نمایند واین برنامه ها باید فراهم کننده فرصتهائی برای زنان روستائی باشد تا همپای مردان از امکانات اموزشی بهره مند شوند به اعتبارات مورد نیاز دست یابند و همپای مردان از امکانات اموزشی بهره مند شوند با مشاغل جدید اشنا شوند این برنامه ها یک نیاز محسوس در سطح جامعه زنان روستائی محسوب  شده و باعث بالا رفتن سطح اگاهی های فنی زنان می شود.

اهداف تحقیق

هدف کلی :

بررسی سازه های موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستائی استان خراسان جنوبی در برنامه های ترویجی     می باشد.

اهداف خاص :

- ارزیابی سطح مشارکت زنان روستائی نسبت به برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی

- شناسائی ویژگی های فردی موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی 

- شناسائی ویژگی های اقتصادی موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی

- شناسائی ویژگی های فرهنگی اجتماعی موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی

- شناسائی ویژگی های فنی دوره های اموزشی  موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی

- شناسائی ویژگی های عوامل تشویق کننده و محدود کننده بر مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی

محدودیت های تحقیق

- پراکند گی روستا ها و مشکل ایاب و ذهاب به ان ها

- عدم وجود اطلاعات قبلی در این خصوص

- نداشتن سواد و تحصیلات حتی در حد خواندن و نوشتن در زنان روستائی برای پر کردن پرسشنامه ها

- مشکلات برای مصاحبه و گفتگو با زنان روستائی به خاطر تعصبات خاص قومی یا داشتن لهجه

محدوده های تحقیق

محدوده موضوعی:

این تحقیق در بر گیرنده عواملی است که بر مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی موثر می باشد .

 

محدوده زمانی:

این تحقیق در سال 1389 تا 1390 انجام گرفته است.

محدوده مکانی:

این تحقیق مربوط به استان خراسان جنوبی می شود.

تعاریف عملیاتی

مشارکت:

مداخله داوطلبانه همگان در همه اموری که به ان ها مربوط می شود و تمایل و توانائی اظهار انتخاب و انتقاد در قبال ان امور.

زنان روستائی :

اعضا خانواده روستائی که در فعالیت های کشاورزی ,دامداری ,خانه داری و صنایع- دستی روستا مشارکت دارند.

اموزشهای ترویجی:

دوره های اموزشی برای افزایش اگاهی , مهارت و بهره وری در زمینه های فعالیت های روستائی که به صورت کوتاه مدت ارائه می شود.

 

اموزشهای ترویجی زنان روستائی:

اموزشهای 3 تا 5 روزه برای زنان روستائی در مورد فعالیت های ان ها برای دانش و مهارت زنان روستائی که معمولا به روش حضوری انفرادی یا انبوهی اجرا می شود.

سازه های موثر بر مشارکت زنان روستائی:

عواملی چون توان و قابلیت های فردی ,وجود مشکل تفاهم ,شرایط خاص فرهنگی , اجتماعی, اقتصادی , ویژگی های دوره های اموزشی, عوامل تشویق کننده و عوامل محدود کننده.

روش تحقیق

روش تحقیق بر اساس دو ملاک هدف تحقیق و نحوه گرد اوری داده ها مشخص می شود.چون هدف بررسی عوامل موثر بر مشلرکت زنان روستائی استان خراسان جنوبی در برنامه های ترویجی است تحقیق از نوع پیمایشی خواهد بود. ورابطه بین متغیر ها از نوع همبستگی می باشد.

همچنین تحقیقی توصیفی است زیرا شامل مجموعه روش هائی است که هدف ان ها توصیف کردن شرایط یا پدیده های مورد بررسی است.

جامعه اماری تحقیق

تعداد زنان روستائی استان خراسان جنوبی بر طبق امار نامه استانداری خراسان جنوبی  152600 نفر می باشد که جامعه اماری تحقیق را 5031 نفر از زنان روستائی شکل می دهند, که طبق امار لااقل یکبار در برنامه های اموزشی ترویج در سال های 1386 -1387-1388 شرکت نموده اند.

تعیین حجم نمونه

N=t2 *p*q

    D2

    N=حجم نمونه    

= (1.96)T=   مقدار ایستودنت بر اساس سطح معنی داری   

P=نسبت مشارکت به کل 

q=1-p

 است.0/063  ,در فرمول کوکرال خطای براورد D=دقت احتمالی مطلوب

روش جمع اوری اطلاعات:

روش جمع اوری اطلاعات در این تحقیق بر اساس مطالعات کتابخانه ای و میدانی بود.

ابزار جمع اوری اطلاعات:

با استفاده از نظر سنجی از طریق پرسشنامه اطلاعات جمع اوری شده اند.

متغیر های تحقیق :

متغیر: هر انچه که تغییر ان در یک تحقیق از نقطه نظر محقق مهم تلقی شود در حکم متغیر می باشد .

 

براین اساس در این تحقیق دو نوع تغییر مد نظر می باشد:

متغیر وابسته: متغیری که تغییرات ان تحت تاثیر متغیر مستقل قرار می گیرد.

که در این تحقیق میزان مشارکت زنان روستائی در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی می باشدکه به صورت زیر اندازه گیری می شود.

میزان شرکت زنان روستائی در کلاس های کوتاه مدت ترویجی, میزان بازدید زنان روستائی از نمایشگاه های کشاورزی میزان بازدید از دامداری هاومزارع نمونه ومیزان استفاده از نشریات ترویجی پوستر و بروشور میزان شرکت در تئاتر ترویجی یا نمایش های میدانی میزان شرکت در کارگاه های اموزشی میزان استفاده از فیلم, عکس واسلاید.

متغیر مستقل:متغیری که توسط پژوهشگر اندازه گیری دست کاری یا انتخاب می شود تا تاثیر یا رابطه ان با سایر متغیر ها اندازه گیری شود.

در این تحقیق:

ویژگی های فردی, اجتماعی,فرهنگی پاسخگویان شامل سن , میزان سواد, وضعیت تاهل, شغل همسر , تعداد فرزندان, میزان در امد خانواده, استفاده از کانالهای ارتباط جمعی , نگرش زن روستائی نسبت به فعالیت های ترویجی و مشارکتی ,نگرش زن روستائی نسبت به اموزشگران دوره های اموزشی ترویجی ,میزان رضایت از برنامه های ترویجی و شرکت در کلاس های اموزشی – ترویجی.

 

 

فرضیات تحقیق

1-بین ویژگی های فردی زنان روستائی و میزان مشارکت انان در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی رابطه معنی داری وجود دارد.

ویژگی های فردی: سن ,میزان در امد,تعداد فرزندان,سطح سواد,نوع شغل همسر,میزان مالکیت زمین یا دام خانواده , اعتقاد و نگرش نسبت به برنامه های ترویجی.

2-بین ویژگی های فرهنگی زنان روستائی و میزان مشارکت انان در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی رابطه معنی داری وجود دارد.

ویژگی های فرهنگی: دیدگاه اهالی روستا نسبت به مشارکت زنان در برنامه های ترویجی.

3-بین ویژگی های اجتماعی زنان روستائی و میزان مشارکت انان در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی رابطه معنی داری وجود دارد.

ویژگی های اجتماعی:عضویت در تشکل های روستائی و تعاونی, میزان ارتباط با جوامع شهری ,میزان استفاده ا ز کانال های ارتباط جمعی.

4-بین ویژگی های اقتصادی زنان روستائی و میزان مشارکت انان در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی رابطه معنی داری وجود دارد.

ویژگی های اقتصادی:زمین زراعی خانوار,نوع وتعداد دام خانوار ,دریافت مدرک و گواهینامه دریافت تسهیلات بانکی یا نهاده ها, منابع در امد خانوار و شغل سرپرست خانوار.

5-بین ویژگی های فنی زنان روستائی و میزان مشارکت انان در برنامه های اموزشی ترویجی رابطه معنی داری وجود دارد.

ویژگی های فنی:کیفیت دوره های اموزشی قبلی ,مفید بودن مطالب قبلی ,منظم بودن برگزاری کلاس -ها, ارتباط قوی با مروجان, زمان مناسب برگزاری کلاس ها,محل مناسب برگزاری دوره,توانائی و تسلط اموزشگران در نحوه انتقال مطالب ,جنسیت اموزشگران وتفکیک بودن دوره های زن ومرد.

 

روش تجزیه و تحلیل داده ها:

 دادها و اطلاعات در دو سطح توصیفی SPSS بعد از جمع اوری پرسشنامه ها با استفاده از نرم افزار 

و استنباطی تجزیه و تحلیل می گردند.

الف:توصیفی

در تعیین و بررسی ویژگی های پاسخ گویان شامل فراوانی ,درصد و میانگین انحراف معیار می باشد.

ب:استنباطی

تحلیل و تعمیم نتایج حاصل از نمونه به جامعه اماری شامل ازمون های تی استیودنت و رگرسیون چند متغیره.

 

 

منابع وماخذ

-  ازادی , حسین و عزت الله کرمی. (1376)." زنان روستائی,توسعه و فناوری نوین".فصلنامه اقتصاد کشاورزی و توسعه  ,صفحات 59-98 .

- خاکی,غلامرضا.(1386).روش تحقیق با رویکرد به پایان نامه نویسی.تهران:انتشارات بازتاب.

- سرمد,زهره وعباس بازرگان والهه حجازی.(1385).روش های تحقیق درعلوم رفتاری. تهران:

انتشارات اگه.

- عباسی مود,محمد.(1389).سازه های موثر برمشارکت زنان روستایی استان خراسان جنوبی در برنامه های ترویجی .(پایان نامه کارشناسی ارشد رشته ترویج واموزش کشاورزی).دانشگاه بیرجند ,ایران.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

+ نوشته شده در  یکشنبه بیست و نهم خرداد 1390ساعت 1:33  توسط ایزدی | 
ECONOMIC GROWTH CENTER

YALE UNIVERSITY

P.O. Box 208269

New Haven, Connecticut 06520-8269

CENTER DISCUSSION PAPER NO. 798

THE EFFECTS OF AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION

ON FARM YIELDS IN KENYA

Robert E. Evenson

Yale University

and

Germano Mwabu

University of Nairobi

September 1998

Note: Center Discussion Papers are preliminary materials circulated to stimulate discussions

and critical comments.

A substantially revised version of a paper originally presented at the 10th Anniversary

Conference on Investment, Growth and Risk in Africa at the Centre for the Study of

African Economies, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK, April 17-18, 1997. We received

helpful comments from John Knight, T. Paul Schultz and Peter Kimuyu and two

anonymous referees. Any remaining errors are our own.

ABSTRACT

The paper examines effects of agricultural extension on crop yields in Kenya controlling for other

determinants of yields, notably the schooling of farmers and agro-ecological characteristics of arable

land. The data we use were collected by the Government of Kenya in 1982 and 1990, but the

estimation results reported in the paper are based primarily on the 1982 data set. The sample used

for estimation contains information about crop production, agricultural extension workers

(exogenously supplied to farms), educational attainment of farmers, usage of farm inputs, among

others. A quantile regression technique was used to investigate productivity effects of agricultural

extension and other farm inputs over the entire conditional distribution of farm yield residuals.

We find that productivity effect of agricultural extension is highest at the extreme ends of

distribution of yield residuals. Complementarity of unobserved farmer ability with extension service

at higher yield residuals and the diminishing returns to the extension input, which are uncompensated

for by ability at the lower tail of the distribution, are hypothesized to account for this U-shaped

pattern of the productivity effect of extension across yield quantiles. This finding suggests that for

a given level of extension input, unobserved factors such as farm management abilities affect crop

yields differently. Effects of schooling on farm yields are positive but statistically insignificant. Other

determinants of farm yields that we analyze include labour input, farmer experience, agro-ecological

characteristics of farms, fallow acreage, and types of crops grown.

Key words: agricultural extension, economic effects

JEL Classification: O13 and Q16

2

1. INTRODUCTION

Strengthening of national agricultural support system has been advocated as a strategy for increasing

agricultural production in Sub-Saharan Africa by governments in the region and by international

development agencies (see e.g., World Bank, 1983, 1990; Bindlish and Evenson, 1997). The T &

V system (training and visit) system of agricultural extension has been central to this strategy. The

World Bank-supported agricultural extension programs, based on the T&V system have been

implemented in some thirty Sub-Saharan countries or in about three-fifths of African countries. A

substantial amount of resources has been committed to this system, both by national governments

and international development agencies (Bindlish and Evenson, 1993). There is however an

emerging controversy as to cost-effectiveness and productivity of a national system of agricultural

extension, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa where governments’ ability to meet a large recurrent

cost that the system entails is limited (see Purcell and Anderson, 1997 and Gautam, 1998). The

analysis presented in this paper suggests that a national system of agricultural extension can play an

important role in increasing farm yields but its effect on yields is not uniform across farmers.

The paper assesses farm-level economic effects of T & V and traditional systems of agricultural

extension in Kenya as of 1982 controlling for other determinants of farm productivity. The T &V

system was introduced in Kenya in 1982 as a supplement to the old system which had been

implemented before Independence in 1963. The new system spread rapidly and by 1985 it covered

some 30 districts, despite having been started on a pilot basis in only two districts. An important and

3

salient feature of T &V extension system is a regular pattern of visits by frontline extension workers

to contact-farmers (see e.g., Benor et al. 1984). A fortunate aspect of the T &V system in Kenya,

with respect to visitation by extension workers, is that in many areas, farmers in Kenya have

organized themselves in groups to facilitate such ventures as the marketing of agricultural output,

mutual help assistance and acquisition of agricultural credit. Extension workers seek out these

existing groups as their contacts. The original design of T & V whereby extension workers were to

reach out for individual farmers proved hard to implement.

Extension workers focus on imparting key messages to farmers on each visit, with the complexity

of these messages being increased in subsequent visits. Initial messages aim at improving basic

production techniques, with attention being focused on land preparation, the timeliness of operations,

crop spacing, plant population sizes, the use of better seed varieties and on weeding. After the

simple messages, attention shifts to more complex messages such as those relating to fertilizer use

and pest control measures. Implementation of the latter set of messages typically requires higher

investment expenditure in purchased inputs by farmers. Other key features of the T &V system

include the existence of a permanent cadre of subject matter specialists and regular supervision and

training of extension workers and regular meetings between the frontline extension workers and the

subject matter specialists. These meetings serve as a feedback mechanism between the supervisors,

frontline extension workers and farmers. The primary duties of the frontline extension agents under

the T & V system is to transfer agricultural information to farmers and to report farmers’ problems

to higher levels of the system, especially to supervisors and the subject matter specialists.

4

The features of T & V described above refer to a well functioning national system of agricultural

extension. In Kenya both the T & V system and the traditional system of technology extension have

suffered from poor supervision. Moreover, frontline extension staff are often unable to cover the

required number of households because of lack of transport and because of impassable roads in the

rainy season. However, even though Bindlish and Evenson (1993) show that annual government

budget allocations to agricultural extension services in some districts declined substantially between

1981 and 1991, the budgetary constraint was not as binding in 1982 because of support and

enthusiasm that existed for the new system at the time of its implementation. Thus, in the early days,

lack of funds was probably not a major constraint on proper functioning of the national extension

system, especially its Training and Visit component. However, the nature of linkage of the extension

system with research stations (Purcell and Anderson, 1997), may have affected the availability of

relevant farming technology that could be passed to farmers. At least in design, the T & V system

is a substantial improvement over the traditional system despite weaknesses of public extension

systems (Umali-Deininger, 1997; Purcell and Anderson, 1997). The identified weaknesses here, and

over which there is no agreement (see Purcell and Anderson, 1997, pp. 98-101), concern costineffectiveness

of national extension systems and non-availability of agricultural technology of the

magnitude that merits a uniform machinery of transmission to farmers. A further discussion of these

issues is outside the scope of this paper.

We summarize and quantify the agricultural extension package, which includes changes in technical

knowledge and farm practices by a variable that we call number of extension workers per farm in

a given cluster. By the design of the extension system, this variable embodies what might be termed

5

farm-specific human capital of extension workers, as measured by the level of training they receive

prior to commencing extension activities. Moreover, to the extent that the knowledge possessed by

extension workers is successfully transmitted to farmers via contact visits or through inter-farmer

communications, the specific human capital of farmers is positively correlated with that of the

extension workers. The variable number of extension workers per farm therefore captures both

agriculture-specific human capital embodied in extension workers as well as the amount of it that

the extension workers transmit to farm people. As Schultz (1975) has argued, agriculture-specific

human capital is important in improving farm yields in a changing environment because it enhances

resource allocation abilities of farmers.

We assume that the larger the number of extension workers per farm, the greater the intensity and

effectiveness of the agricultural extension service delivered to farmers over a specific time period.

Thus, for a fixed number of farms, the larger the number of extension staff, the higher the farm yield.

The extension variable as defined here is “exogenous to individual households and internalizes interfarmer

communications” (Brikhaeuser et al, 1991, p. 613). It is a supply variable, which ideally,

should be independent of farmer behaviour with regard to use of the extension input. That is, it does

not reflect choice decisions of farmers in the sample, as its size is determined by staffing and

budgetary decisions of the central government. Bindlish and Evenson (1997) note that the geographic

expansion of T & V system in Kenya at the aggregate level appeared to be random after the pilot

phase. Even so, the ratio of the extension staff per farm would actually not be exogenous if, as is

normally the case, the size of the number of farms at the level of sample cluster reflects farmer

6

decisions. We avoided this difficulty to some degree by dividing the number of extension staff in

a sample cluster by the number of farms in a cluster in 1982. The staff ratio is sufficiently exogenous

because the number of extension workers in a cluster (the numerator) is determined by the

government and the number of farms in the same cluster (the denominator) is primarily a result of

past behaviour of farmers. Still, the extension variable may not be truly exogenous because farmers

and extension workers may seek out one another over the duration of crop cycle. However, in

similar previous work (Bindlish and Evenson, 1993, 1997) tested and found no support for

endogeneity of the extension variable as defined here.

The paper has five sections following this introduction. The second and third sections describe the

model and the data. The fourth and fifth sections contain presentation and discussion of results.

Section six concludes with a summary and a conclusion.

2. ANALYTIC MODEL

Previous studies on economic effects of extension service have used two types of statistical

frameworks to measure the effect of agricultural extension on farm productivity, namely, the meta

production function and the total productivity index (see e.g. Bindlish and Evenson, 1993, 1997. See

also Feder and Slade, 1984 for an evaluation of the effect of extension on knowledge acquisition.

In contrast to the conventional agricultural production function, where technological options, farmer

information sets and public infrastructure are taken as background or fixed variables, and are thus

7

not included in the estimated equations, in a meta specification of the production effects of

extension, the background variables are incorporated directly in the estimated equation. In the case

of the total factor productivity approach, an aggregate input index whose value depends on quantities

of variable and fixed inputs is first constructed. The observed agricultural output is then divided by

this aggregate index to obtain total factor productivity which is then conditioned on extension service

and the background variables (see in particular, Bindlish and Evenson, 1993, pp. 114 -115). Choice

of one or the other of these approaches is normally dictated by the nature of the available data.

In our case, we adopt a meta production function of the form shown in Equation (1). A complete

description of the variables included in Equation (1) is in Table 1.

yi = G ( a, h, f, w, l, s, x, r, q) + ui (1)

Where

G(.) = deterministic component of the farm yield;

yi = logarithm of farm yield (i.e, log of crop yield in kilograms per acre of crop

land) for farmer i; suppressing the i subscript for the right-hand side

covariates we have:

a = logarithm of acres of cropped area;

h = logarithm of the number of hours worked by hired and family labour on a

plot;

8

f = logarithm of expenditure on fertilizer and sprays per acre of cropped area;

w = logarithm of number of extension workers per farm;

l = logarithm of the acreage under fallow;

s = personal and social attributes (education, age and sex of the farmer);

x = crop type dummies;

r = agro-ecological dummies;

q = interaction terms;

ui = stochastic component of the farm yield for farmer i.

Adopting a simple Cobb-Douglas form for the farm productivity function, we estimated Equation

(1) using a quantile regression technique (see Koenker and Basset, 1978). The mean effects of

productivity determinants (the average effects of these determinants at all levels of the farm yield)

are also estimated with ordinary least squares (OLS) and reported along with the quantile estimates

for comparison purposes. If focus were on the extension variable, the OLS results would show how

the farm yield for the average farmer would respond to agricultural extension controlling for the

effects of the other right-hand side covariates in Equation (1).

However, results obtained via the OLS and other parametric methods cannot be used to examine, for

example, how farmers in an extreme distribution of the farm yield residuals would be affected by

investments in agricultural extension. Makers of policy, are typically interested in this issue as

farmers may be affected differently by extension service due to their unobserved personal

9

endowments such as cognitive and physical abilities. Previous studies on extension effects of farm

yields have ignored this issue (see e.g Birkhaeuser et al, 1991 and Feder and Slade, 1986 for

reviews).

To remedy this situation we focus attention on the behavior of the entire conditional density of the

farm yield residuals, and examine agricultural extension effects at any arbitrary point on that density,

controlling for the effects of other covariates. The econometric problem involves estimation of the

parameters of the entire distribution of the residuals of farm yields given the set of regressors

specified in Equation (1). We use quantile regression [(see e.g, Buchinsky (1994, 1998),

Chamberlain (1994), Koenker and Bassett (1978, 1982)] to estimate economic effects of extension

at three points of the distribution of the yield residual: the first quartile (25th percentile), the second

quartile (50th percentile) and the third quartile (75th percentile). See Buchinsky (1994) for a

different characterization of the conditional distribution of wage residuals.

In the case of the extension variable, regression estimates at the first quartile show the extension

effects for the sample farmers at the lowest 25 per cent of yield residuals, whereas estimates at the

second quartile depict effects for farmers at the median residual. Similarly, estimates at the third

quartile are for farmers at the 75th percentile of the distribution of yield residuals. Thus, the quantile

regression technique permits a comparison of how the yield of the median farmer responds to

changes in its determinants relative to the response in the yield of any other farmer below or above

the median residual.

10

Using notation in Buchinsky (1994, 1998), a quantile regression model of the farm yield function

shown in Equation (1) can be expressed as

yi = ziβθ + μθi (2a)

Quantθ (yi|z) = ziβθ and Quantθ (μθ|z) = 0 (2b)

Where

βθ and zi are K x 1 vectors, and zi1 = 1;

z is a vector of the right-hand side covariates in Equation (1);

Quantθ (y|z) is the θth conditional quantile of y given z, and y is an N x 1

vector of farm yields with the constraint that 0 < θ < 1.

The parameter vector, βθ is obtained by minimizing the sum of absolute deviations from an arbitrarily

chosen quantile of a farm yield across farmers. In the case of Equation (2) this sum can be expressed

as:

Minimize Σi|yθi - Σjβθjzij| (3)

where

yθi = Farm yield for farmer i at quantile θ (i =1, ....n);

zij = Covariate j (e.g, education) for farmer i (j = 1,....K);

βθj = Effect of covariate j on farm yield at quantile θ.

The solution to Equation (3) is found by rewriting the expression as a linear programming problem

of the entire sample (see Chamberlain, 1994) and applying linear programming computation

11

algorithms, one of which is now available in STATA (see Deaton, 1995). Incorporation of LP

algorithms into commonly available statistical packages, makes quantile regression, which is

otherwise computationally burdensome, a simple tool to use. See for example, Deaton (1997),

Buchinsky (1998) and Schultz and Mwabu (1998) for a description of properties of the quantile

regression.

Production effects of extension may vary across yield quantiles, if for example, unobserved ability

of farmers is omitted from the productivity equation. If high ability farmers happen to be the contact

farmers of the field extension workers or are treated preferentially by the extension staff, the

estimated extension effects on yields would be higher at the upper segment of the distribution of

yield residuals. Briefly, omission from the yield equation of intangible variables such as managerial

abilities of farmers, which essentially is a measurement error, is likely to be the main source of

variation in the productivity effects of extension services across quantiles.

3. DATA

This section draws heavily from Bindlish and Evenson (1993) and Evenson and Mwabu (1996). The

data for this study were gathered by Kenya’s Central Bureau of Statistics from farm households in

seven Kenyan districts and from government records on agricultural extension. We begin with a

general description of the study districts. The seven districts are located in six of eight provinces and

are thus representative of much of Kenya. The excluded provinces are Nairobi and Northeastern. The

sample districts are Bungoma, Kericho, Kisumu, Machakos, Murang’a, Taita Taveta, and Trans12

Nzoia. The districts cover three ecological zones; a “high-potential” zone that generally receives

rainfall of 3 inches annually and has no climatic or drainage problems; a “medium-potential” zone

that receives 25-35 inches of rainfall annually or has some climatic or drainage problems; and a

“low-potential” zone that generally receives a rainfall of 25 inches per annum.

Reflecting their agricultural importance, the seven study districts account for only 8 percent of total

land in Kenya, but for 19 percent of arable land. Moreover, the proportion of arable land for the

study districts amounts to 61 percent in comparison to 26 percent for the whole of Kenya. Except

for Taita Taveta, all the other six districts have very high population densities (Republic of Kenya,

1981).

The data used for empirical analysis was obtained by combining crop and other relevant data from

1981-82 survey by CBS with data on extension staff for 1982 derived from the data collected in

1990, also by the Central Bureau of Statistics. The 1981-82 data are from a nationally representative

Rural Household Budget Survey conducted in all the seven districts. The survey contains detailed

information on agricultural production and household characteristics but has no information on

agricultural extension services. However, the 1990 data were obtained by interviewing farmers resampled

from those surveyed in 1981-82 sample. The 1990 data set consists of survey data (see

Bindlish and Evenson, 1993) plus secondary information on extension staff derived from

government records. In particular, for each survey cluster, information was collected on extension

staff in that cluster for 1990 (the period when the T & V system was firmly in place) and for 1982

(when the T & V system was introduced as a national system of agricultural extension alongside the

13

traditional system). The present paper uses extension information for 1982 only. As already noted,

the information was collected from government records and not from farmers.

To obtain the analytic sample for this study, the 1981-82 data set was first linked to the extension

data for 1982 by enumeration cluster. The extension variable for 1982 was part of the 1990 data set,

with enumeration clusters being the same in both data sets. The enumeration cluster comprises a

group of villages in a geographic area, usually the smallest administrative unit within a district

known as a location. The second and final step in the creation of the analytic sample was the pooling

of information on thirteen crops grown by 676 farmers re-sampled from the 1981-82 households for

the 1990 survey. Of these farmers, 362 were in enumeration clusters containing information about

extension staff in 1982. Farmers in the original sample (1982 survey) for whom information on

extension staff was not available in the 1990 data were assigned the average extension staff in their

district. This assignment procedure is consistent with the fact that extension services in locations

within a district are managed at the district level. Thus, in contrast to Bindlish and Evenson (1993,

1997) who analyze the effect of extension on crop yields for 1990, we analyze this effect on yields

in 1982. Since all farmers grew more than one crop, the pooled sample by crop consists of 3682

observations. The pooled data set contains information on crop yield measured in kilograms (our

dependent variable), socioeconomic attributes of farmers, number of extension staff per farm,

quantity of fertilizer applied at the level of the farm (rather than at the plot on which specific crops

are grown), agro-ecological zones in which farmers operated, among others (see Table 1). All farm

inputs in Table 1 (except labour which is at the crop level) are measured at the level of the cropped

area, i.e., excluding acreage under fallow. In order to control for effects of crop-specific factors on

14

farm yields, thirteen crop dummies were constructed, with maize being the comparison crop. In other

words, estimation proceeds under the assumption that the marginal effect of extension is constant

across crops.

4. RESULTS

Tables 1-3 below show results from the analysis of survey data. Tables 1 and 2 present sample

statistics and correlations of crop yields with selected variables respectively, while Table 3 reports

results from a quantile regression analysis of yields. The three sets of results are discussed in detail

in Section 5, following the order in which they are presented. We will now provide a preview of

these results.

The sample statistics in Table 1 show that nearly 70 percent of the family farms sampled were

headed by men, and that maize was the main crop grown. The extension input per farm has a very

high variance across farms, which is a reflection of uneven distribution of agricultural extension

across districts. The sample farmers have an average of only lower primary schooling, but they seem

to have considerable farming experience. Results from the correlation analysis (Table 2) indicate

strong co-movements between farm yields with plot-level inputs such as extension staff, farm labour,

and fertilizers and sprays. As to the extension input, the regression analysis leads to the same

qualitative conclusion as that implicit in Table 2, namely, farm yields rise as the number of extension

staff per farm increases. However, as the results reported in Table 3 show, the response of yields to

the extension input varies considerably across regression quantiles. Even though the economic

returns associated with the estimated extension coefficient are substantial (see Bindish and Evenson,

15

1997) the coefficient is not statistically significant at the low end of the distribution of yield

residuals. That is, the economic effects of extension are uneven among farmers.

16

A. Sample statistics and correlations

Table 1

Sample Means

Variables Means Standard

Deviation

Natural logarithm of kilograms of crop produced on an acre of land in 1982

Log of the total number of hours worked by family and hired labour on a plot of crop

Log of total acreage under all crops

Log of total expenditure on fertilizers and sprays per acre of crop land (log fertilizer

expenditure)

Log of the number of field extension workers per farm

Log of uncultivated (fallow) acreage

Log of fallow acreage x log of fertilizer expenditure

Log of fallow x Log of the number of extension workers per farm

Maize

Beans

Potatoes

Sorghum

Peas and grams

Bananas

Millet

Cabbage

Other vegetables

Coffee

Tea

Other cash crops

Other crops

Sex of household head (1=male)

Log of years of schooling

Log of age of household head

Log of age squared

Log of age x log of years of schooling

Log of distance in kilometres to the market centre

Hill (= 1 if sublocation is hilly and zero otherwise)

Lower highland zone 1 (tea and dairy area (= 1 if cluster is in this zone)

Lower highland zone 3 (wheat and barley area)

Upper midland zone 1 (coffee and tea area)

Upper midland zone 2 (main coffee area)

Upper midland zone 3 (marginal main coffee area)

Lower midland zone 2 (marginal sugar area)

Lower midland zone 3 (cotton area)

Lower midland zone 4 (marginal cotton area)

Lower midland zone 5 (livestock and millet area)

2.129

1.495

.542

1.361

-5.323

-.207

-1.219

1.043

.294

.192

.060

.041

.056

.069

.029

.022

.161

.026

.006

.023

.019

.688

.922

3.757

14.227

3.307

1.119

.241

.087

.131

.074

.077

.163

.079

.123

.014

.161

1.43

1.29

1.13

2.90

.87

1.65

5.31

8.78

.46

.39

.24

.20

.23

.25

.17

.15

.37

.16

.08

.15

.14

.46

.93

.33

2.48

3.31

1.20

.43

.28

.34

.26

.27

.37

.27

.33

.12

.37

Sample size 3682

17

Table 2

Correlation of productivity (crop yield per acre) with selected variables

Variables

Correlation with

log of crop yield p-value

Log of the total number of hours worked

by family and hired labour on a plot of

crop

.363 .000

Log of total acreage under all crops .166 .000

Log of total expenditure on fertilizers

and sprays per acre of crop land

.115 .000

Log of the number of field extension

workers per farm

.037 .026

Log of uncultivated (fallow) acreage .122 .000

Log of fallow acreage x

Log of expenditure on fertilizer and

sprays per acre of crop land

-.002 .910

Log of fallow x Log of the number of

extension workers per farm

-.114 .000

Log of years of schooling .029 .083

Sex of household head (1=male) .082 .000

Log of age of household head -.020 .218

Log of distance to the market centre -.079 .000

Sample size 3682

18

B. Regression Results

Table 3

Quantile Regression Estimates of the Farm Yield Function

(absolute bootstrap t-ratios in parentheses)

Explanatory Variables

Quantile Parameter Estimates Mean

(OLS)

.25 .50 .75

A. Labour and nonlabour inputs

Logarithm (log) of the total

number of hours worked by family

and hired labour on a plot of crop

land

.209

(4.68)

.191

(7.50)

.190

(8.53)

.196

(10.08)

Log of total acreage under all

crops

.274

(7.79)

.300

(8.94)

.280

(10.09)

.262

(12.50)

Log of total expenditure on

fertilizers and sprays per acre of

crop area

.077

(4.82)

.081

(6.72)

.088

(9.11)

.075

(8.60)

Log of the number of field

extension workers per farm

.091

(1.86)

.052

(1.24)

.094

(3.62)

.130

(4.72)

Log of uncultivated (fallow)

acreage

.219

(1.43)

.332

(3.12)

.278

(3.28)

.288

(3.53)

Log of fallow acreage x

Log of expenditure on fertilizer

and sprays per acre of crop area

-.026

(3.38)

-.019

(3.77)

-.016

(4.20)

-.022

(5.11)

Log of fallow x Log of the number

of extension workers per farm

.022

(.77)

.049

(2.42)

.042

(2.90)

0.040

(2.58)

Log of years of schooling .466

(.95)

.357

(.85)

.293

(1.33)

.039

(.52)

Log of age of household head 2.821

(2.13)

2.219

(1.17)

1.833

(1.25)

.637

(.51)

Log of age squared -.400

(1.47)

-.310

(1.28)

-.260

(1.31)

-.110

(.66)

19

Log of household age x

log of years of schooling

-.155

(1.17)

-.099

(.88)

-.082

(1.40)

-.000

(.21)

B. Crop Types [Maize is the omitted category]

Beans -1.087

(8.42)

-1.141

(20.30)

-1.239

(17.76)

-1.999

(19.73)

Potatoes -.471

(2.50)

-.526

(6.02)

-.186

(2.53)

-.475

(4.96)

Sorghum -.561

(4.07)

-.723

(6.17)

-.781

(5.67)

-.746

(6.65)

Peas and grams -.864

(6.03)

-.804

(7.94)

-1.078

(15.17)

-1.085

(11.03)

Bananas -1.134

(7.14)

-.969

(6.13)

-.995

(8.51)

-1.056

(11.23)

Millet -1.089

(6.32)

-1.309

(10.32)

-1.496

(10.82)

-1.239

(9.82)

Cabbage -1.371

(6.53)

-788

(3.65)

-.208

(1.62)

-.894

(6.22)

Other vegetables -.969

(6.94)

-.910

(10.43)

-.899

(12.21)

-.970

(13.70)

Coffee -.237

(1.06)

.151

(.77)

.533

(2.21)

.093

(0.71)

Tea -.439

(.94)

-.836

(9.37)

-1.032

(4.47)

-1.030

(3.98)

Other Cash Crops -1.582

(5.98)

-1.472

(6.35)

-1.309

(7.32)

-1.428

(10.52)

Other crops -1.664

(6.01)

-1.657

(6.65)

-1.491

(9.88)

-1.478

(9.92)

C. Gender, access to markets, and agro-ecological zones

Sex of household head (1=male) .157

(1.97)

.072

(1.19)

.119

(2.02)

.092

(2.00)

Log of distance in kilometres to

the market centre

-.068

(1.92)

-.050

(2.19)

-.062

(3.11)

-.057

(3.05)

20

Hill (=1 if sample cluster is hilly

and zero otherwise)

.035

(.33)

.155

(2.77)

.114

(1.90)

.050

(.90)

Lower highland zone 1 (tea and

dairy area (= 1 if sample cluster is

in this zone and zero otherwise)

.284

(1.57)

.274

(2.63)

.187

(3.12)

.184

(2.35)

Lower highland zone 3 (wheat and

barley areas)

.326

(2.38)

.523

(6.65)

.356

(4.42)

.291

(4.09)

Upper midland zone 1 (coffee and

tea area)

-.665

(5.69)

-.825

(5.76)

-.798

(7.45)

-.659

(6.71)

Upper midland zone 2 (main

coffee area)

.111

(.63)

.166

(.91)

.095

(.84)

.151

(1.26)

Upper midland zone 3 (marginal

coffee area)

.065

(.42)

-.091

(.68)

-.355

(3.74)

-.185

(2.07)

Lower midland zone 2 (marginal

sugar area)

.048

(.31)

.075

(.74)

.144

(1.94)

.131

(1.50)

Lower midland zone 3 (cotton

area)

-.232

(1.58)

-.112

(.35)

-.077

(.79)

-.150

(2.12)

Lower midland zone 4 (marginal

cotton area)

-.005

(.02)

-091

(0.26)

.083

(.38)

.104

(0.57)

Lower midland zone 5 (livestock

and millet area)

-.378

(3.22)

-.268

(2.51)

-.150

(2.17)

-.202

(2.88)

Constant Term 2.813

(.69)

-1.349

(.36)

.362

(1.34)

2.213

(.93)

(Pseudo) R-squared .158 .195 .228 .325

Dependent Variable Mean (Log of

farm yield)

1.179 2.120 3.101 2.129

Sample size 3682

21

5. DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

A. Sample statistics

From the top panel of Table 1, which contains the sample statistics for the study districts, it can be

seen that there is a large variation in farm yields and inputs across households as the standard

deviations of these variables from their mean values are quite large. The observed variation in farm

yields across households can be linked to differences in input usage across farms. It should be noted

that the cross-sectional variation in farm yields is smaller than the variation in farm inputs. The less

than proportional association between changes in yields and variation in farm inputs across

households suggests that accumulation of inputs may not be the critical determinant of farm

production in study areas. As can be seen from Table 3, differences in soil types could also be

important determinants of the observed variation in yields.

The middle panel of Table 1 shows the relative importance of the various crops grown in the sample

districts. Maize and beans, the staple foods in Kenya, constitute respectively 29.4 and 19.2 percent

of all crops grown in the seven districts studied. The cash crops (tea, coffee, cotton and other cash

crops) comprise only about 4.8 percent of all crops, indicating that nearly 95 of crops grown are on

average for meeting food needs.

The lower panel of the Table shows socioeconomic attributes of farmers and the agro-ecological

conditions of study areas. About 69 percent of respondents in sample districts are males and the

average level of education for all farmers is 3-4 years (antilog of .922) while the average age is 45

22

years. On average, a farmer in the sample district lived about 5 kilometres from the nearest market

centre (the geometric mean). A relatively large proportion of arable land (24.1 percent) is hilly, with

the remainder of cultivable area being classified either as highlands or midland zones of various

gradations. Tea, coffee, wheat and dairy farming take place in the highlands and in the upper midland

zones. A substantial portion of both maize and beans is also grown in the upper midland zones. The

lower zones are used primarily for livestock grazing and for growing dryland maize, and various

types of millet.

B. Correlation results

Table 2 shows the degree of association between crop yield and selected variables from Table 1.

These are variables that production theory suggests might be important in influencing farm

productivity. As can be seen from Table 2, crop yield is positively and significantly correlated with

labour, crop area and with the expenditure on fertilizers & sprays. The correlation is strongest with

respect to the labour input. Farm productivity is also positively correlated with the extension staff

and with farmer’s education, but its association with the latter covariate is statistically significant

only at about 8 percent level. The results in Table 2 provide evidence of co-movement of crop yields

with key covariates in equation (2). Except for a few cases the correlation coefficients shown in

Table 2 are largely consistent with results from the regression analysis reported in the ensuing

section in Table 3.

C. Regression Results

Table 3 shows regression results at the first quartile (25th percentile), the median (50th percentile)

23

and the third quartile (75th percentile) of the farm yield residuals. We begin by considering both the

magnitude and the pattern of regression coefficients across the yield quantiles. Looking at the top

panel of Table 3 (Section A), it can be seen that the elasticities of the farm yields with respect to the

labour input are roughly the same over the three quantiles, ranging from a value of .205 at the first

quartile to .190 at the third. In particular, a ten percent increase in the labour input would increase

farm yields by about 2.0 percent for farmers at the 25th percentile of the distribution of the yield

residuals but by 1.9 percent for farmers at the 75th percentile. It should be noted that the mean

elasticity (the OLS estimate of .196) is of the same order of magnitude as the labour elasticity of

output at the three quantiles. This elasticity is also within the range of the labour elasticity of .174

obtained by Aguilar (1988) for one Kenyan province using a different data set collected in 1982. As

is evident from the bootstrap t-ratios, the labour elasticities are statistically significant at all the

quantiles.

The productivity response to acreage is statistically significant across all quantiles and has a concave

shape, as it first rises and then falls. In contrast, its response to agricultural extension is convex,

displaying a U-shape across the quantiles. However, the extension elasticities at the first and the

second quartiles are not significant at conventional levels.

Focusing attention on the extension case, it can be seen that farmers at the middle points of the yield

residuals gain less from the extension service than farmers at the two ends of the distribution. In

particular, productivity effects of extension service for farmers at the lower and upper ends of the

24

yield residuals are higher than can be explained when account is also taken of other determinants of

productivity. This result could be due to the effect of unobserved ability of farmers on diminishing

returns to the extension input. Assuming that high-ability farmers are leaders in the use of extension

service, they would have a greater quantity of this input than low-ability farmers. Hence, other things

being equal, the marginal productivity effect of extension service would be lower among farmers of

high ability than among farmers of low ability who lag behind in extension adoption. However, if

high ability farmers happen to use extension service more productively than low or average ability

farmers (i.e., ability and extension are complementary), high ability farmers may not experience

diminishing returns to agricultural extension. Hence their marginal gain from extension service may

not differ from that of low ability farmers. In contrast, diminishing returns to extension service

would be experienced among farmers of average ability (because they have a higher quantity of the

extension input than farmers of low ability). Thus, as the results show, it is conceivable for

productivity or economic effects of extension to be lower for average ability farmers at the median

residual than for farmers above or below it, thereby generating a U-shaped yield response across

quantiles. This result, which could also be generated by errors in the measurement of the extension

input rests on the assumption that extension and ability become complementary only when a certain

threshold level of ability is attained.

It is worth noting that the U-shaped pattern of extension effect on farm yields across quantiles

persists even when the effects are estimated using separate samples for males and females.

Moreover, consistent with what the coefficient on the sex dummy shows (see below), productivity

effects of extension are higher for males than for females. These results, which are not reported here

25

are available on request. In another set of results, which we also do not report due to space

limitation, the extension effect on maize yield (the dominant food crop in Kenya) is around .29, that

is, more than twice the OLS elasticity of .13 for all crops. Economic effects of agricultural extension

in Kenya from previous studies are not clear-cut. Evenson and Bindlish (1993) report large, positive

productivity effects, while Aguilar (1988) and Aguilar and Bigsten (1993) report negative effects.

A more recent paper (Gautam, 1998) shows that the earlier, large positive extension effects reported

by Bindlish and Evenson (1993, 1997) are reversed by inclusion of district dummies in the

productivity equation, but these new results are hard to interpret because it is not clear what is being

controlled for by district dummies. However, the issue of non-robustness of extension effects raised

by Gautam (1998) deserves further study.

The yield effects of fallow land and fertilizers differ in pattern and magnitude across quantiles. Both

sets of effects are positive but the effect of fertilizer is 3-4 times larger than that of fallow land.

Moreover, the effect of fertilizer rises throughout, while that of the fallow land falls after the median

decile.

Productivity effects of fallow acreage were investigated further by interacting it with fertilizers and

with extension staff. On farms with more fallow land, productivity effect of fertilizers is smaller

than on farms with less fallow but the effect of the extension staff is greater. These two results

respectively suggest that fallow land is a substitute for fertilizers and that extension enhances

productivity on farms with more fallow land perhaps because farmers get advice on how best to

26

rotate crops between cultivated and fallow acreage.

The schooling elasticities of yields are positive but decline steadily over the quantiles. A 10%

increase in the education of farmers (measured in years of schooling) improves yields by 4.7% for

farmers at the first quartile of the yield distribution but by only about 3% for farmers at the third

quartile (75th percentile). However, the elasticities are not statistically significant. The effect of

age of farmers, which is a proxy for experience, exhibits a concave shape at each quantile (the

coefficients on age and age squared are positive and negative respectively), a result that indicates

diminishing returns to experience. Despite the weak statistical significance of the age coefficients,

the foregoing finding is important as it reveals very large experience elasticities of yields in all

quantiles. Further, the coefficient on interaction of age with schooling shows that the yield effect

of an extra year of schooling is smaller on farms managed by older farmers.

The middle panel of Tables 3 (section B) shows effects of crop-specific factors on yields. The

common pattern in both tables is that farm yields are higher for maize than for any other crop in all

quantiles except in the case of coffee. In the case of coffee, the farm yield is greater than the yield

for maize at the median and higher quantiles. Relative to kilograms of maize yield, coffee

production per acre is greater at higher quantiles of yield residuals.

The bottom panel of Tables 3 (section C) presents effects of demographic and geographic factors on

farm productivities. Yields are higher for male farmers in all quantiles, especially at the 25th

percentile. This finding may not be interpreted to mean that being a male enhances productivity

27

because it could be reflecting differences in family structures among families. For example, male

headed families may have more workers than female headed families. Distance from the market

centre is negatively correlated with farm yields across all quantiles. The negative effect on yield of

distance from market centres has no particular pattern across quantiles. As to agro-ecological zones,

crop yields are generally higher in highland zones than in midland zones in all quantiles.

In summary, a key finding of this study is that agricultural extension has favourable effects on farm

production but this finding is difficult to compare with results from previous studies (see Birkhaeuser

et al., 1991) because measurement of agricultural extension varies across studies. Nonetheless, the

finding is consistent with Schultz (1975) hypothesis that human capital acquired through schooling

or via extension advice enhances productivity of farmers especially in a changing environment.

28

6. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

This study has examined the effect of agricultural extension on farm productivity in Kenya

controlling for other determinants of crop yields, such as schooling of farmers, labour and fertilizer

inputs and soil quality, proxied by agro-ecological conditions. There are five main findings of the

study. To start with, productivity gains from agricultural extension are highest at the top end of the

distribution of yield residuals, suggesting that agricultural extension may be enhancing unobserved

productive attributes of farmers such as managerial abilities. The U-shaped response of farm yields

to extension services across quantiles that has been noted is probably due to a positive association

between extension service with unobserved factors such farm management skills and possibly to

errors in the measurement of extension.

The second noteworthy finding of this work is that increases in farm yields due to schooling

generally rise with quantiles but these increments are not significant. Aguilar (1988) obtained

negative productivity effects of schooling among Kenyan smallholders in Nyanza province but found

positive effects in Central province. Evenson and Bindlish (1993) and Appleton and Balihuta, 1996)

report mixed effects of schooling on farm productivity.

The third result is that public investment that makes market centres broadly available to

farmers would improve farm productivity because distance from market centres reduces farm yields

at all quantiles. This is so because there are large costs of transacting at distant markets. In addition

to reducing farm profits, transactions costs weaken a farmer’s ability to obtain purchased inputs such

29

as fertilizers and sprays which complement other farm inputs, notably labour and land. The fourth

finding of the paper is that extension services are more productive in farms with more fallow land

than in farms with less fallow acreage. Periodic crop rotation, which is one activity initiated by

extension agents at the farm level may be the process through which extension reinforces

productivity of fallow land. Lastly, agro-ecological factors, which include soil quality and rainfall

variability do influence farm yields. If these factors are not taken into account in assessing

production effects of extension services, their effects would be incorrectly measured.

30

REFERENCES

Aguilar, Renato (1988), Efficiency in Production: Theory and Application on Kenyan Smallholders,

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+ نوشته شده در  یکشنبه بیست و نهم خرداد 1390ساعت 1:31  توسط ایزدی | 
POLYGYNY, WOMEN'S LAND TENURE, AND THE "MOTHER-SON PARTNERSHIP" IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA

Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 51, No. 3 (Autumn, 1995), pp. 193-213

Catherine Besteman, Department of Anthropology, Colby College, Waterville, ME 04901

Abstract:

Women in riverine agricultural villages in Somalia hold extremely limited independent access to land. After examining why this is the case, this article explores how older women with grown sons, especially senior wives in polygynous households, often strive to form collaborative working relationships with landowning sons over which the husband-father has no authority or control. Such business relationships are critical to the women involved: they provide some autonomy from the husband, an envied independent source of income, and greater food security than women in polygynous relationships normally are afforded by their husbands. The article examines the opportunities women have to form these relationships, the conditions under which they are formed, and the implications of these partnerships for family and village.

MOST WOMEN IN AFRICA live, procreate, and labor in patriarchal systems of resource control. In the 1970s the different strategies used by men and, especially, women in negotiating gender roles in patriarchal systems of production emerged as an important area of anthropological study. The focus shifted from describing the roles of men and women in various African systems of kinship and authority, which had characterized earlier anthropology (cf. Radcliffe-Brown and Forde 1950), to investigating how people, especially women, challenge, subvert, and circumvent their ascribed roles (cf. Hafkin and Bay 1976; Hay and Stichter 1984; Obbo 1976; Lamphere 1974; Brown and Kerns 1985; Davison 1988; MacGaffey 1988; Parpart 1988). In seeking to uncover the kinds of strategies women use to get what they want, studies have generally focused on two key areas: (1) the ways in which women work through men in authority-sons, husbands, male kin-to wield influence or to access, gain, or increase power; and (2) how women circumvent the system of male authority through forming women's cooperative or credit associations, through woman-woman marriage, and through mother-daughter networks (cf. Rosaldo and Lamphere 1974; Obbo 1976; White 1984). Defining (Journal of Anthropological Research, vol. 51, 1995) and identifying the "matricentric" or "matrifocal" family within patriarchal and/ or patrilineal systems have called attention to women's networks and strategies for seeking influence, economic autonomy, or authority (cf. Tanner 1974; Obbo 1976; see also M. Wolf 1972 for Taiwan).

In seeking to uncover women's strategies for economic gain and greater autonomy within patriarchal systems, researchers have questioned the emphasis on the conjugal bond as the most significant relationship for African women. Sacks's (1979) ground-breaking book emphasizes the importance of rights women maintain in their natal lineages, especially through claims women can make on their brothers. Potash (1989) reviews numerous studies demonstrating how women use intergenerational links to obtain labor assistance and greater financial security. These links between women and children are established outside of the conjugal bond and represent an alternative source of economic support and assistance maintained by women, often in order to reduce their dependence on their husbands. Such links may exist between women and their own children or the children of others. While women everywhere in Africa depend on their children for labor assistance, Schildkrout's (1982) study of secluded Hausa women in Kano demonstrates how even women in purdah achieve some economic autonomy within their marriages by using children to market their homemade products outside the home.

Intergenerational links women establish with the children of others can provide economic and labor assistance clearly outside the realm of the conjugal bond. Etienne (1986:269, 1979:238), for example, describes how Baule women of the Ivory Coast build "their own constituency of dependents" by adopting children "not shared with the husband"--children whose labor they control and who will provide for their future security.

Daughters-in-law are another category of dependents women may draw upon. Potash (1986c, 1989) notes that Luo daughters-in-law cook and farm for their mothers-in-law. The wife of the youngest son upholds this responsibility for the duration of the older woman's life. Every South African Lovedu woman has the right to a daughter-in-law from any house which received her bridewealth in exchange for a woman. Such a house is often her brother's wife's family. Even a woman without sons can claim a daughter-in-law to marry her daughter in a woman-woman marriage. This daughter-in-law fulfills for the mother-in-law all the labor duties of a married woman (Krige 1974).

Perhaps the most significant intergenerational link for many African women is the tie between mother and son. Descriptions of how women strategize to increase their sons' power, chances, and wealth and of the links widows form with their sons are widely available. In contrast, I would like to explore one aspect of mother-son relations which has not been as thoroughly addressed in the literature: the economic partnerships women form with their sons in order to circumvent the authority of the husband-father.' The importance of mother-son relationships in kinship systems and production has already been acknowledged in the literature. Sharon Stichter (1988:178)

"points us in this direction in her recent argument that to comprehend the functioning of the domestic unit an essential step is to disaggregate it, to analyse the interests, emotions, and strategies of its individual members. Since nearly all known family systems are to some extent patriarchal, analysing the strategies and consciousness of women and juniors will give us what has been missing from family history: the "view from below."

In the introduction to her edited volume on middle-aged women, Judith Brown (1985:4) notes: "Perhaps most significant are reports by many ethnographers concerning the tremendous influence that mothers exercise over and through grown sons." Remarking on how the emphasis placed on the conjugal bond in Western scholarship has obscured the strategies used by African widows (Potash 1986a), Miriam Slater (1986:xxi) reminds us that "both emotionally and economically, mother-son bonds supersede wife-spouse bonds." Nevertheless, Barbara Harris (1990:606-7) could be referring to Africa, rather than patrilineal Yorkist and early Tudor England, when she writes: "Mothers and sons remain, in large measure, unknown territory."

This paper explores the "unknown territory" of mother-son relationships in the middle Jubba Valley of Somalia).2 I show how, by forming economic partnerships with their sons, certain women were able to circumvent the enormous constraints on land and labor faced by women in this area. My analysis, drawn from the eighty farming households which constituted the village of Banta in the middle Jubba region, points to an important dynamic which expands our knowledge of the strategies employed by disempowered household members in patriarchal systems of production.

Analyzing womens' economic strategies in the context of patriarchal control contributes to a processual understanding of the household by demonstrating how economic "windows of opportunity" may open only at certain times for certain women and not in a uniformly predictable way for all women. Fortes's (1958) argument that each society exhibits a single uniform developmental sequence through which all domestic groups pass was derived from taking a snapshot collection of domestic group types at one moment in time and ordering them as a developmental sequence (Yanagisako 1979:168) from the male point of view (Lamphere 1974; Sanjek 1983). In reality, most families will not experience the developmental cycle predicted by a "uniform" model generated in this way. This variability in domestic cycles may derive in part from the fact that individual life cycles do not necessarily always correspond to the family cycle, as Arthur Wolf (1984) has noted for rural China and Myron Cohen (1976) has demonstrated for rural Taiwan, and in part from the fact that men and women in most societies experience different domestic cycles (cf. Sanjek 1983). In the middle Jubba, the possibility that a woman can form an exclusive economic partnership with her son occurs only when and if her life cycle converges with her family's cycle in a particular way.3

Factors external to the household, such as ecological conditions, state economic policies, stratification, and civil unrest or warfare, also contribute to Shabelle River River Gedo Saakow Middle District Mogadishu Jubba: Marka Bu' aale District Lower Jilib Jubba District District. variability in domestic cycles. While the coping mechanisms utilized by southern Somali families during the recent warfare and drought have not been analyzed, it is likely that nonconjugal ties have emerged as primary sources of subsistence and survival for many women. Oral histories I collected in the middle Jubba Valley suggest that divorce is one strategy used by men during seasons of famine, drought, or illness to shrug off "excess" family members, a pattern also reported elsewhere in Africa (cf. Shipton 1990; Vaughan 1987; Ranger cited in Vaughan 1987:147). Older women in such situations in the Jubba Valley rely on their children for economic support. In the recent crisis, it is likely that women with no children or only small children have suffered disproportionately. The following discussion of how women have formed economic partnerships with their sons can provide insight into the coping strategies agricultural women may be using during the recent devastating period of warfare, banditry, and drought.4

THE MIDDLE JUBBA VALLEY

The Jubba Valley is one of the few areas in Somalia where crop agriculture is a fairly reliable subsistence strategy. The traditional Somali occupation of pastoralism has overshadowed crop agriculture in importance and in its contribution to the national economy, and for generations the Jubba Valley remained a remote hinterland in terms of national orientation, state intervention, and international development attention. Agriculture in the isolated middle Jubba Valley has always been primarily for subsistence and is characterized by extensive rainfed cultivation on the riverbanks and more intensive flood recession cultivation in low-lying inland depressions which collect and hold rain and floodwater for long periods of time.'

The most important crops in the lower half of the valley included maize, cultivated for subsistence, and sesame, which was sold to itinerant traders who periodically travelled through the valley. In the 1980s, sesame sales provided the most important source of income for middle valley farmers. Wild plants and animals from the riverine forests supplemented cultivated foods in the local diet, especially following floods and droughts. The lack of all-weather roads and the impassability of local tracks during several months of the year kept organized market trading and participation in the national cash economy to a minimum, although farmers regularly exchanged agricultural products for animal products with visiting pastoralists.

Other than these non-cash-based exchanges between farmers and herders and the sale of sesame to traders, few options existed for earning cash. Limited and unpredictable opportunities for wage work-blacksmithing, wood-working, or shopkeeping for men and midwifery, traditional healing, or sale of crafts for women-provided a few families with small amounts of additional income. In 1987-88, most middle Jubba families were capable of producing most of what they needed, although certain market commodities like cloth, sugar, oil, tea leaves, metal cooking pots, and medicines were essentials that had to be purchased.

LAND TENURE, MARRIAGE, AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR

Since agriculture provided subsistence and virtually the only source of cash income for middle valley farmers, access to land and labor were critical determinants of financial viability. Under customary practice, land was individually acquired and owned through inheritance, purchase, gifting, and village council grants of unclaimed land.6 Middle Jubba villages controlled clearly demarcated areas of farmland within which villagers held permanent rights to specific parcels. Most land held by Banta villagers in 1988 had been acquired through inheritance. The village council had the authority to allocate unclaimed village land to villagers upon request, which was a common means for young men to acquire their first parcel prior to receiving their inheritance. Men retained control over their land, however acquired, until death. Although a land market was not well developed, villagers occasionally sold each other parcels of land, usually cleared and of good quality.7

Household stratification within the village was kept to a minimum because of relatively equal access to land.8 There was no local ruling elite, no class or group that was economically dominant, and no group that was politically better connected than other villagers. Although men with two or three wives at one time tended to have more land under cultivation, most households fluctuated over time between monogamous and polygynous marriage of the house-hold head, and equitable access to excess village land meant a man's landholdings could grow or shrink with his marriages and divorces.9

Despite Islamic and state laws which provided for female inheritance, customary practice among farmers in the middle Jubba Valley granted rights of inheritance only to males, except in unusual circumstances. Women were similarly restricted from purchasing and from receiving land grants through the village council. As the customary recipients of land, men were expected to use their land for family subsistence needs, which were met through the deployment of household labor with an occasional utilization of wage labor or unpaid assistance from neighbors or relatives.

Generally, a young man acquired his first parcel of land the year before his marriage and paid much of his bridewealth with the production from this parcel (relatives also contributed to a young man's bridewealth). The vast majority of marriages occurred between people from the same village, although the stated preference for cousin marriage was reflected in only a minority of marriages. The few wives brought to Banta from other villages tended to be their husbands' cousins and thus were tied into local kinship networks. After marriage, the couple could establish a new household or could live patrilocally or, less often, matrilocally. As his family expanded, the husband would continue to acquire land through purchase or village council allocations, attempting to hold several plots of land in different areas of the village land base in order to minimize risk. Thus a farmer might hold four different parcels of land, leaving one or two in fallow in any given season. In 1987-88, Banta households held an average of four noncontiguous parcels of land, the range being one to five parcels, totaling an average of 3.4 cultivated hectares per household.

Marriage

A snapshot of marriage types taken during 1987-88 would produce the picture detailed in Table 1. When my census was taken in 1987, 46 percent of all Banta women were in monogamous marriages, 41 percent were polygynously married, and 6 percent were between marriages. But these snapshot statistics do not capture the constant flux in Banta marriages. Over time, most women in Banta will divorce at least once, and many will be involved in polygynous marriages at some point in their lives. The local divorce rate was very high, with about 60 percent of the adult population reporting having been divorced at least once.10 (Divorces occurred in 6 percent of Banta households during my one-year stay.) A "uniform domestic cycle" model is therefore of limited use, since most women will experience marriage, divorce, monogamy and polygyny during their lifetimes, but not necessarily in a sequence predictably correlating with their life cycles.

TABLE 1 Percentage of Household Heads, Adults, and All Women: NOT AVAILABLE

A woman's first marriage may be as a second wife to a much older man, who may later divorce his other wife resulting in a monogamous union. This marriage may end with the husband's death, at which point the woman may monogamously remarry a widower or polygynously remarry. Other women may initially marry monogamously, but then experience polygyny, divorce, widowhood, and/or remarriage in diverse sequences. While every woman expects to marry and bear children, the forms and sequences of her marriages are not predictable. Jubba Valley women are in this respect similar to the Ghanain women of Adabraka, whose domestic cycles showed greater variability than men's (see Sanjek 1983). The very real possibility of divorce and the high potential for polygynous marriage shaped women's access to land in critical ways.

The Division of Labor

In monogamous households the husband and wife lived and farmed together with their children. Polygynously married co-wives and their children could all live together in one compound or, if relations between co-wives were un-friendly, in separate compounds with the husband varying his residence. The few nonresident wives of Banta men were supported by commercial activities in the local town, by the husband from his agricultural activities in Banta, or by working land the husband had acquired in the woman's village, usually prior to his marriage, through family ties (inheritance). The three nonresident husbands had chosen to live with other wives in other villages, although all had access to family land in Banta.

In polygynous households where all spouses lived locally, the husband assigned each wife a plot of land which she was responsible for working to feed herself and her children. The size and location of such plots often varied seasonally depending on factors of climate, labor availability, health, etc. Wives grew only maize on their assigned plots, and each wife's maize harvest was kept in a separate storage pit which remained under the control of the husband. In theory, he oversaw how much was utilized for each meal, determined how much his wife could exchange for milk or meat, and managed any sales of maize for cash. In practice, most wives seemed to have a good deal of discretionary control over the use of maize in these storage pits.

For growing sesame, the husband generally retained one parcel or part of a parcel on which each wife was expected to work. Depending on the nature of the relationships among co-wives, women could labor on household farms (planted in maize and/or sesame) individually (with their children), jointly with the husband, or cooperatively as co-wives. No set rule or pattern existed. The husband decided what was to be grown, when and how to plant, and how house-hold labor was to be utilized on a daily basis, and he assumed control of the harvest for all of the household farms. Women had no direct access to the sesame produced on their husbands' farms. Husbands decided how much of the harvest would be kept for home consumption and how much would be sold to traders, often using the bulk of the proceeds for personal items such as watches, shoes, or new clothing-items which the wife would never utilize. Thus, women in the middle Jubba Valley had extremely limited independent access to land or control over production. As one farmer bluntly put it referring to his wives and children, "They are my slaves."

Widows were in a particularly precarious position regarding subsistence. Contrary to Islamic practice, when a man died, his widow and daughters had no rights to his land, which was inherited by his sons. If the widow's sons were not old enough to claim their inheritance, the land usually passed to her dead husband's brothers or his older sons from an earlier marriage. They could give the widow a portion but were not obligated to. But if she remarried, she would forfeit any access she may have had to her dead husband's land. Prior to remarriage, the widow might continue to work the land for her brotherin-law, but she had no rights to it and could not harvest anything for herself. (Banta villagers did not practice leviratic remarriage.) If a man died leaving a widow with only young children and there were no other male heirs who could claim his land, the land would usually be left idle until the male heirs were older. The widow and her children would be supported by her family-if they were still living until she remarried or her children grew up. For widows with only young children, this period between marriages often was characterized by extreme hardship, especially for those without immediate family in the village. The three widows in this situation during my stay in Bantaincluding one woman with resident brothers-were nearly destitute and were completely dependent upon their relatives for support until the children came of age and could inherit their father's land.

The relationship of women to land in the middle valley was thus determined by their relationship to men. Girls in this part of Somalia married very young, usually at the age of fifteen, although some married as young as twelve. (A local saying was that a girl was ready for marriage as soon as she developed breasts.) Very few girls stayed single past the age of eighteen, which was considered a shameful state. A girl's upbringing was oriented towards marrying and becoming a wife, whereupon she moved from being in her father's possession and working his farms to being in her husband's possession and working his farms. Upon divorce, a woman became her brother's responsibility. She would often move to his house with her children, even if he lived in a different village. She would cultivate his farms until she remarried, at which time she would move in with her new husband. This pattern would be repeated until a woman stopped marrying. She would then live with her children (or grandchildren), becoming their responsibility as she aged and could no longer care for herself. In short, a woman would move through life cultivating men's farms-her father's, husbands', brother's, and perhaps sons'.

The following example illustrates the position women occupied in the land tenure system. A woman named Faduuma was married to a man and had a son by him. He died while the son was very young, and she remarried; so until Faduuma's son came of age to claim his portion, all her dead husband's land went to his older son by another wife. Faduuma fell quite ill after giving birth to a daughter and was divorced by her new husband as she was too sick to farm. During much of my stay, she was completely dependent upon corn provided by her brother and was living on the edge of starvation. When I asked her why she didn't request a farm for herself from the village council, she replied, "I am a wife [woman]. I farm the farms of the men I marry. When I marry again, I will farm my husband's farms." This cultural belief was consistently repeated by both men and women in Banta. When I conversationally asked another woman if she owned any farms of her own, she answered, "We women here are wives; we don't get our own farms." Another example comes from the new husband of a woman who had temporarily inherited a farm from her father until her younger brothers became old enough to farm it themselves (there were no uncles). She had abandoned her farm following her marriage, even though it was closer and just as productive as the farms owned by her husband. When I asked her husband why, he responded, "She became a wife! She has to farm my farms!"

The hostility toward the idea of women independently acquiring or holding land is poignantly illustrated in a story related to me by a woman whose daughter attempted to receive an inheritance of land following her father's death. The dead man had left an elderly widow, three adult sons, and one adult daughter. One of the sons was permanently ill and wanted only one small farm. Another son left the village to take up pastoralism and desired no farms. The third son inherited the remaining farms, leaving some in fallow as they were more than he needed or could farm. The daughter was left destitute after being divorced by her husband and tried desperately to gain a share of her father's land. Despite pleading by both his mother and sister, the son holding the land refused to give his sister a personal share. The mother went so far as to take the matter to the village council of elders. As the mother described the hearing, "I screamed and I screamed, but they wouldn't listen." The women were not successful in their efforts, and the sister was forced to work her brother's land in return for the food he provided."1

Women's economic independence was thus controlled by early marriage and the denial of access to land. Women's labor was controlled by those who held land. Prior to marriage, a woman's labor was at the service of her father; following marriage, her labor was at the service of her husband. Between marriages, her labor may be her own, but she usually had to exchange it for access to land or food from her brothers. These constraints on women's access to land and control of labor provide the context within which women sought alternative avenues to economic independence.

WOMEN'S INDEPENDENT ACCESS TO LAND AND LABOR

Despite these restrictions on women's independent access to land, many women did manage to obtain limited access, as we might expect given women's ability to create alternatives within customary systems of land tenure. Under certain circumstances women could inherit land, such as when there were no sons and no other close male relatives who could make a serious claim to a man's land. Women could also temporarily inherit land until their younger brothers came of age. Three women in my sample of forty households (totaling forty-three women) had been successful in inheriting farms from their fathers. Two of these women had no male kin to compete with, and the third was granted a small area of land inherited by her brother, who no longer lived in the village.

Three more women had temporarily inherited farms from their fathers which they were intending to hand over to their younger brothers when these become old enough to farm for themselves. These six women managed and maintained their farms separately from their husbands and their husbands' farms. The men could not and did not interfere with their wives' land, and they did not control the production or the profits from their wives' land, although the women usually consulted with their husbands about selling the crops if they wanted cash (as opposed to using the production solely for household consumption). In two additional households, the husbands claimed to have acquired land that had been in their wives' families. One of these husbands had reclaimed abandoned land used by his wife's uncle fifty years earlier. The other husband had married the daughter of his father's brother, from whom he inherited a parcel. In both of these households, this land was considered part of the pool of resources of the household, headed by the man, and not as a separate resource held by the wife.

Another avenue to land ownership which theoretically existed for women was the meher, or wedding payment, to which all women were entitled from their husbands. Men could make this payment, which could be money or land, at any time during the marriage but were obligated to give it in the event of divorce-but only if the husband wanted the divorce and the wife did not. If the wife initiated the divorce, she forfeited her right to her meher. There were no divorced women in Banta who had received land as their meher at divorce, although one woman was borrowing a small portion of her former husband's farm, which she was working alone to support their young children.

While independent land ownership by women was structurally possible, if culturally condemned, actual areas controlled by women were relatively small. Comparing landholdings of husbands and wives reveals the minimal control women had over land in Banta. The average parcel size controlled by married women who held land separately from their husbands was less than half of the husbands'. The total area held by landholding married women was almost one-ninth that of the husbands'.12 Averaging the total area held by wives across all wives in the sample produces an average of .09 hectares per wife.

Furthermore, the seven households headed by women controlled much less land than male-headed households. These women were either widows living with unmarried children (five households) or had husbands living elsewhere (two households). Three of the widows farmed no land, remaining dependent on male relatives, and two worked their farms with their sons. The two women with husbands living elsewhere farmed an average of 1.3 hectares, and the two widows farming with their sons held an average of 1.9 hectares, compared with the average total cultivated area of male-headed households of 3.5 hectares. Male-headed households thus controlled, on average, about two times as much farmland as landholding female-headed households.13

Women who did have full rights over land--either temporarily until their brothers were old enough to reclaim the land or permanently-thus clearly controlled much smaller areas than men. Most women, however, would never own their own farms. Consequently, women frequently attempted to gain access to land through borrowing a small portion usually just a few square paces of a male friend's or relative's farm for a season, a year, or longer. No rent or gift was provided in exchange, and virtually all men in Banta regularly lent small areas of land to other men and women. Women did not usually consult their husbands regarding these transactions, and husbands could not interfere with their wives' management of their borrowed plots provided wives did their share of work on their husbands' farms. Although the production from these tiny plots was often limited to a few baskets of corn or sesame, women could plant what they wanted and could control the production from these borrowed plots, using it either for household needs or for petty cash. Women said they borrowed with such frequency in order "to get something of their own." This option provided women with independent income, even if only a few dollars' worth, to meet personal needs such as a new article of clothing, household items for a betrothed daughter, or a little extra food for the children. Thirty-three percent of the sampled wives had borrowed land during the 1987-88 agricultural year, several having borrowed more than one plot. The heavy demands household duties placed on a woman's time, however, usually caused low yields on plots women borrowed for independent use.

For women who were successful in obtaining independent access to land, labor became the primary constraint in production. As is the case throughout much of Africa, women are "profoundly disadvantaged" (Roberts 1988:97) in their ability to recruit and mobilize labor (see also Guyer 1984b and Henn 1984). In fact, the power to mobilize labor may be a more critical factor in women's production than access to land. Throughout Africa, as Roberts (1988:102) has noted, women's independent control over labor is limited by their subordinate positions within hierarchies of gender, rank, generation, and status.

The ability of women to mobilize labor is determined by a complex set of factors, including age; status in polygynous marriage; number, sex, and ages of children and their spouses; and husbands' status (Roberts 1988:105). These factors intersect to produce differences among women in their ability to recruit and mobilize labor. Roberts (1988:98) is referring to these differences when she asks, "In what circumstances do women recruit the labor of others rather than being the subjects of labor recruitment themselves? ... Secondly, which women can and do recruit the labor of others and whose labor do they mobilize?" Rather than adhering to the neo-Marxist view that women are simply labor pawns in the affairs of men, or the "naturalist" (Guyer 1984a) view that women work alone, Roberts (1988:99) suggests that "women have mobilized labor or do now do so in ways which remain invisible." The remainder of this article investigates one such way that a small number of women in Banta were able to get around the constraints of both land and labor through creating businesslike partnerships with their sons.

THE MOTHER-SON PARTNERSHIP

Cooperative working relationships between widows and their grown sons are frequent throughout Africa (cf. Potash 1986b). The productive basis of these mother-son partnerships in Banta was the acquisition of land by the son, which the mother and son then worked together. All decisions, including those related to the sale of the crop, were made jointly, although often the mother had primary responsibility for overseeing the financial aspects of the partnership. As one woman explained about the business arrangement she had with her son, "It's his land, but I'm the bank, so I keep all the money." Although time constraints, other demands, and individual personalities ensured variability in the relative contributions made and earnings kept by mothers and sons within their partnerships, all partnerships were characterized by joint labor and management and by shared earnings.

These partnerships between women and their grown sons were possible only for women in particular situations. The usual time for a woman to form such a partnership was following the death of her husband and the inheritance of his land by her adult sons. As noted above, a widow whose children were too young to inherit their father's land was often close to destitution, as the land passed to the father's brother or the father's sons by other women until the young sons came of age. In contrast, widows whose sons were old enough to inherit their father's land at the time of his death often lived quite well by local standards. The perception of sons providing for their widowed mothers is a misleading image in these cases because the women took very active and sometimes dominant roles in farming the land of the deceased husbands. The three healthy (i.e., not elderly or decrepit) widows in Banta who had grown sons shared the work and the proceeds from farming the land inherited by the sons.

While widows with grown sons were well positioned to form mother-son partnerships, perhaps more interesting are the economic partnerships formed between mothers and their sons even as the husband-father was alive. In these cases, polygynous marriage, grown sons, and younger children were the necessary prerequisites for mother-son partnerships formed outside the authority of the husband-father.

Senior wives in polygynous households with adult sons still living in the village were the most likely group to form mother-son partnerships. Of the eight women in Banta who shared these characteristics, six were involved in agricultural partnerships with their sons. In four of these cases, the sons were products of the mothers' current marriages, were unmarried, and had acquired land through grants from the village council in anticipation of their marriages. In other words, they were beginning to establish economic independence from their fathers-with the support of their mothers. While the sons still owed labor to their fathers, village ideology supported the independent economic activities of sons approaching the age of marriage. By working closely with their sons, mothers profited through gaining an avenue of economic independence from their husbands. The younger children of these women could manage the bulk of the farm work on the fields allocated to their uterine family by the husband-father, thus freeing up the mother to work with her son while continuing to meet her labor requirements on the husband's farm.

Being a first wife meant that these women's sons grew into maturity while the husband-father was still alive. The husbands of these women also appeared to be more focused on their relationships with younger wives, with varying responses from the first wives. One senior wife professed delight that her husband was "taken off her hands" by his young second wife, thus freeing her to engage in independent activities. Conversely, another senior wife was greatly saddened by her husband's enamoration with his new young wife and their baby and sought emotional as well as economic refuge with her eldest son. The fact that some of these husbands were preoccupied with their young wives and new children suggests a further dimension to the mother-son partnership: the husband's complicity in allowing his senior wife to work more closely with a grown son.

In the other two partnerships, the sons were from the women's previous marriages, had inherited the land of their deceased fathers, and had limited labor obligations to their mother's current husband. In these cases, again, the sons were benefiting from the contribution of their mothers' labor, and the mothers were benefiting by obtaining a source of income clearly outside the control of their present husbands. Interestingly, one of these women had married a younger man who already had a young wife and small children, almost replicating the situation of being a senior wife whose husband was preoccupied with his younger wife.

Both of these mother-son partnerships were extremely strong, as the husbands were unwilling or unable to force these women to reduce their time commitment to their sons' farms. The woman married to the younger man managed to keep her son from marrying for several years in order to bind him to her economically, a sentiment she freely expressed. The other woman was just forming a mother-son partnership with her sixteen-year-old son, as he was achieving greater independence from his mother's husband and reclearing his inherited farms, which had been left in fallow since his father's death. This woman's present marriage was unstable, and she was anxious for some economic autonomy from her miserly husband. Again, all of these women had younger children who could fulfill their labor obligations on household farms, thus freeing some time for the mothers to pursue their own economic activities.

The cases of the two polygynous households where senior wives with grown sons living in the village did not form mother-son partnerships seem to have been the result of special factors. The senior wife in one of these households was the primary female traditional healer in the village, an occupation which earned her a small income. In the second case, the son lived with and cultivated the fields of his wife's father, who had 3 hectares of land and no sons of his own.

Three households in the village consisted of women married to men who were living in other villages with other wives. The two women in this category with grown sons managed and cultivated the sons' farms as mother-son units, without the interference of the nonresident husband-fathers.14 These cases suggest quite clearly the husbands' lack of interest in directly controlling their wives' economic activities. The third woman's son was only nine years old, and she cultivated the farms of her former husband, who had died leaving no male heirs, thus allowing her to inherit the land.

Finally, there was a unique case of a monogamously married woman who formed a mother-son partnership with her unmarried adult son from a deceased former husband. This one case suggests that while polygyny is not a mandatory precondition for mother-son partnerships, the ability of monogamously married women to form such partnerships is extremely curtailed.

The cases described above, which cover most of the mother-son partnerships in the village of Banta, suggest that participation in such partnerships was a possibility only for a minority of women. Structurally, the best opportunities for forming mother-son partnerships existed for women in polygynous marriages with adult sons residing in the village, women with grown sons married polygynously to nonresident men, and widows with grown sons. While probably about half of all women in Banta will at some time be involved in a polygynous marriage, not all of these women will have sons, nor will all of these sons continue to live locally. The point is that most women who were in a position to form economic partnerships with their sons did so, since it was one of their few avenues for independence and income generation. The best opportunity to form a mother-son partnership was when a woman's life cycle (manifest in her having a grown son) intersected with the particular domestic configuration of polygyny where she was the senior wife.

Women exerted a great deal of authority over these sons. These were not situations where sons were inheriting land and taking care of their aging mothers, or where sons were providing labor assistance on their mothers' holdings. Rather, mothers were commandeering partial control of the resources their sons had inherited or obtained through the village council. The husbandfather's dominance was reduced, either because he was dead or because the son obtained land independently of the living father, thus becoming autonomous. The mother, in effect, used her son to gain a little autonomy and economic independence of her own.

Once the son had acquired his own land, the father no longer controlled the son's labor. He still to some extent controlled his wife's labor, but her younger children could meet her labor requirements on the household farms. A husband could attempt to combat the diversion of his wife's labor by demanding an increased labor commitment on his farms, and a wife could attempt to reduce her labor commitment on her husband's farms by substituting children's labor or surreptitiously working shorter hours. While tensions and a struggle of wills undoubtedly occurred in such situations, I never heard of a husband forbidding his wife to work on her son's land.

Although mother-daughter economic partnerships existed elsewhere in Somalia, such as in the networks which control the circulation of bridewealth in the lower Jubba Valley (Declich 1990) and in the working partnerships between female milk traders and their daughters in southern Somalia (Little 1994), daughters did not provide similar possibilities for agricultural partnerships. As previously discussed, girls marry very young, rarely inherit land, and are subject to labor demands from their husbands as well as occasionally from their fathers. Only through bypassing the husband's patriarchal dominance by allying herself with her son-who as a male could gain land rights and over whom she retained a kind of parental authority-could a woman get some autonomy, control over her own labor, and independent income. In this way, women were working the patriarchal system of resource control while remaining constrained within it.

The life-cycle dynamics of these partnerships make it clear that they were most feasible when the son was still a bachelor or was married with small children, who kept his wife occupied and unable to contribute much labor to the farm. Mother-son partnerships appeared to fluctuate with the marital status of the mother, emerging during polygynous marriage and disappearing with monogamous remarriage. (The one instance of a monogamously married woman involved in a mother-son partnership indicates that, while possible, such partnerships are extremely rare.) Men were able to keep tighter control over their wives' labor in monogamous unions, where husbands and wives work together, than in polygynous households, where a woman could more easily substitute her children's labor for her own on her assigned household plot.

Other issues in the life cycle of these partnerships are the point at which the mother's influence and authority over her son begin to wane and whether such waning is the result of her advancing age or his desire for greater control over his farms in order to establish and maintain control over his own growing family. One group of related households in Banta seemed to be at this point, although the woman in this case was a widow and not a polygynously married wife. The family group consisted of the widow and her young unmarried children in one household, plus the households of her two married sons who lived nearby. Although the woman and her grown sons farmed the land of their deceased husband-father collectively and divided the production equitably among the three households, the sons appeared to be the dominant decision makers. The weak authority of the widow, her residence in a household with only young children, and her advancing age and decreasing commitment to farm labor suggest that perhaps a former mother-son partnership was dissolving as the three households moved towards increasing independence.

CONCLUSIONS

The demise of the mother-son partnership just described points to the underlying reality faced by Jubba Valley women able to access land and income through their sons. The fact of ultimate male control over land should not be overlooked. Although forming an economic partnership with her son is clearly economically beneficial to the mother, the farms they work as a unit will never be hers. For all of their work on these farms, women do not have the right, for example, to dispose of these farms independently or to give them away to other children-they will definitely remain the property of the son. Furthermore, while these partnerships allowed all participating women the opportunity to engage in cash cropping, mothers in partnership with their sons did not make much money. Nor did the sons, as the harvests and earnings were always split equally. The money earned by these women was generally used for household extras, small personal items, or religious expenses.

Despite these caveats, however, mother-son partnerships point to the ability of women to sort out labor shortage problems and to manipulate patriarchal systems to their advantage, and they reveal a dynamic previously unexplored. They also clarify the importance of considering gender when constructing a "domestic cycle" model. The ability of women to utilize resources with their sons, and the importance of these partnerships to the women involved, would be obscured in a domestic cycle model which ignored distinct gender experiences and the range of marriage possibilities women face throughout their lives.

NOTES

1. An exception is Hemmings-Gapihan (1982), who explains that Gulma women of Burkina Faso attempt to ensure their future financial security by investing money earned from livestock trading in their sons' business activities. It is unclear whether these women are actually involved in their sons' businesses as partners or just as interested investors.
2. The material upon which this paper is based was gathered during twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork in the middle Jubba Valley during 1987-88. Fieldwork was funded by the Land Tenure Center of the University of Wisconsin. I would like to thank Jorge Acero and Cali Ibrahim for assistance in the field and Amal Rassam, Helen Henderson, David Nugent, and anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts of this paper. I am using the past tense to describe the state of affairs as of 1987-88. Much disruption has occurred with the chaotic rural warfare gripping southern Somalia since then, and productive strategies described here have undoubtedly been altered.
3. This analysis of mother-son partnerships also provides an addition to the limited literature on Somali women, which consists almost entirely of discussions of health, infibulation, and spirit possession, as noted by Ahmed (1992:14). The persistent image of the Somali woman caught in a web of patriarchal domination, first created by Richard Burton (1894[1856]) and elaborated by I.M. Lewis (1961), is currently being challenged by several scholars. Ahmed (1992) notes that scholarly writing has neglected to recognize Somali women's personal wealth or to record female oral traditions and histories. Studies by Adan (1981), which utilize women's poems and songs to examine female autonomy in northern Somalia, and by Declich (1990), which analyze women's ability to control surplus and the circulation of wealth through wedding exchanges in the lower Jubba Valley, continue to refine our understanding of the status of Somali women. Little's (1994) research on women milk traders in southern Somali represents another important contribution to our growing awareness of the varied economic roles of Somali women.
4. The entire system of land tenure in the Jubba Valley may very well have been altered by the warfare and political disorder which have gripped the valley since 1991. Huge demographic changes, village displacement, new political dynamics, and perhaps even changing conceptions of gender roles will undoubtedly contribute to a reformation of land tenure practices. Obviously, a discussion of these constantly changing factors must await future research.
5. Full-time subsistence agriculture in the Jubba Valley appears to have been introduced by the fugitive and manumitted slaves who settled the valley over the past 150 years. As yet, little archaeological evidence suggests that agriculture was widely practiced in the valley prior to the arrival of the ex-slaves around 1840. Although the maroon slave communities of the Jubba Valley were exporting their agricultural surplus to East Africa when British and Italian colonists arrived at the turn of the century (cf. Menkhaus n.d.), production was, both then and during the 1980s, primarily for subsistence.
6. The village council consisted of five village men who mediated disputes, represented the village to state authorities, and allocated excess village land, usually to young men about to marry or start a family. For more information, see Besteman 1994.
7. A few nonvillagers had bought farmland in Banta, but the phenomenon of nonresident outsiders purchasing village land was very recent and the result of national land tenure and registration laws which prompted land speculation. The impact of these laws is discussed in Besteman 1994.
8. For further discussion of this point, see Besteman (1994:88-91) and Besteman n.d.
9. The situation may be vastly different following the massive population dislocations and struggles over rural resources resulting from Somalia's political disintegration.
10. This figure is probably an underestimate, as people were often reluctant to report past divorces. Despite the obviously high rate of divorce, people are ashamed and saddened by past divorces, so often I did not press for details. As noted earlier, divorce is sometimes a strategy used by men during difficult times, because a woman returns to her male kin following divorce, thus relieving her ex-husband and his kin of any responsibility for her well-being. Divorces also occurred because of personality clashes, difficulty in conceiving, and a loss of affection between husband and wife.
11. I did not uncover further cultural elaborations which ritually or symbolically explain the gender bias of the land tenure system. Comparatively, see Schloss 1988 for a description of the relationship between gender symbolism and the very complex land tenure system of the Ehing.
12. This finding is not surprising for polygynous households, where the area of land held by the husband will always be greater since he controls land worked by all his wives, whereas a woman, at most, controls only the land she has acquired and works.
13. These figures partly reflect the fact that male-headed households are larger and have more labor than female-headed households.
14. One of these mother-son partnerships farmed land acquired by the son. The other case was more complex. The mother had inherited a small farm from her father and was also using a small portion of one of her brother's farms, although it was unclear whether he had actually given her the portion. The other two farms cultivated by this woman and her son were owned by the son.

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1

Organizational Factors Affecting Intrapreneurship in Agricultural Extension

Organization in Iran

-Yaghoubi Farani, Ahmad

PhD Student in Agricultural Extension, Department of Agricultural Extension and Education, Faculty of

Agricultural Economics and Development, University of Tehran, Iran

-Malek mohammadi, Iraj:

Professor, Agricultural Extension-University of Tehran, Iran

- Hedjazi, Yousef::

Associate Professor, Agricultural Extension-University of Tehran, Iran

-Hosseini, Mahmood:

Assistant Professor, Agricultural Extension-University of Tehran-IRAN

Abstract

In a rapidly changing world, a variety of forces have put extreme pressure on Extension Systems to

become more dynamic. These pressures include rapid development in the availability of information,

expectations of faster response time to problems, greater demand for stakeholder involvement in decision

making processes, and a changing funding portfolio. With these increasingly pressures and changes, the

Extension System has to explore Intrapreneurship development as a key towards innovation in all levels

of organization.

In order to find out how Intrapreneurship can develop agricultural extension organization, a

survey research was conducted in Iran. This research was aimed at finding what factors affecting

intrapreneurship in the Extension Organization in the Ministry of Agriculture in Iran.

This study focused on investigating organizational factors affecting Intrapreneurship in extension

organization in Iran. To achieve the objectives, a survey was conducted in 6 provinces. The target sample

consisted of 215 randomly selected extension agents. The data was collected by using the questionnaire

and analyzed in SPSS.

Results showed a positive significant relationship at .01 level was found between each one of the

organizational variables and the level of intrapreneurship in extension organization Few changes in

organizational structure, rules and reward system were recommended. Based on the findings, it was also

recommended to plan continuous education program for extension administrators and employees in order

to facilitate Intrapreneurship development process in extension organization.

2

Key words: Entrepreneurship, Intrapreneurship, Extension organization, Extension agents

3

Introduction

Entrepreneurship can be defined as a dynamic process of vision, change, and creation. It requires an

application of energy and passion towards the creation and implementation of new ideas and creative

solutions (Kuratko & Hodgetts, 2004). Based on Maes (2003) entrepreneurship is considered as a vital

component in the process of economic development.

Although entrepreneurship is usually studied in private enterprises, but it is not solely a private sector

phenomenon. According to Kuratko et al. 1990 and Pinchot, 1985; if entrepreneurship happens within an

established organization, it is labeled with the term Intrapreneurship. The Intrapreneurship evolved in

response to the lack of innovativeness and competitiveness within organizations (Kuratko et al. 1990;

Pinchot, 1985).

Intrapreneurship is a key towards innovation in established, particularly large organizations (Antoncic and

Hisrich 2001, Covin and Miles 1999). The importance and capability of intrapreneurship for the

development of technological innovation is widely acknowledged.Intrapreneurship can be defined as an

important factor in organizational survival, growth, profitability, and renewal (Zahra, 1995). According to

Pinchot (1985), entrepreneurship within an existing organization is not only possible, but may even be

crucial for the success of the organization.

As entrepreneurial literature shows, entrepreneurial organizations are characterized by a set of

organizational attitudes and behaviors (Covin & Miles, 1999; Covin & Slevin, 1989; Kuratko, Naffziger,

and Montagno, 1993; Lee, Lee, and Pennings, 2001; Lumpkin & Dess, 1996; Lyon, Lumpkin, and Dess,

2000; Morris & Jones, 1999). Entrepreneurial organizations demonstrate competencies such as

opportunity recognition (Miller, 1983; Stevenson & Jarillo, 1986), organizational flexibility (Murray,

1984; Naman & Slevin, 1993), and the ability to measure, encourage, and reward innovative behavior

(Zahra, 1993).

Several researchers have attempted to understand the factors that stimulate or affect intrapreneurship and

during researches, a number of organizational and external factors have been identified (see e.g. Guth –

Ginsberg 1990, Miller 1983, Kuratko et al. 1990, and Heinonen 1999).

Reviewing the literature of entrepreneurship within organization also shows that a group of authors

highlighted the importance of organizational factors for the pursuit of intrapreneurship (Antoncic &

Hisrich, 2001; Slevin & Covin, 1989). Based on previous researches, variables such as management

support and behavior (e.g. vision, commitment, support and style) Organization culture, structure and

mode of action can affect intrapreneurship (E.g. Slevin –Covin 1989, Zahra 1991, Antoncic – Hisrich

2001).

4

Based on Pinchot (1985) intrapreneur is the key actor of intrapreneurship. The intrapreneur is one who

recognizes an opportunity for change, seizes it, exploits it and trusts that exploiting an opportunity in a

new way that deviates from the previous practice will succeed and support the realization of the

organization's aims (Heinonen 1999).

An individual decision to act intrapreneurially is based on the integration of organizational and individual

antecedents, when a triggering event pushes a person to behave intrapreneurially (Schindehutte et al.

2000). The external environment (e.g. dynamism, technological opportunities, industry growth, and

competitive rivalry) is also considered as a determinant of intrapreneurship (Zahra 1991; 1993). In order

to facilitate intrapreneurship, both individual intrapreneurs and also a supportive organizational context

must be present simultaneously (Carrier, 1996).

As organizations become more complex and competitive, they have increasingly embraced

Intrapreneurship for the purposes of profitability (Zahra, 1991), strategic renewal (Guth & Ginsberg,

1990), fostering innovativeness (Baden-Fuller, 1995) and gaining knowledge for future revenue streams

(McGrath, Venakataraman, & MacMillan, 1994)

In defining intrapreneurship, Miller (1983) stresses the company’s commitment to innovation, i.e. product

innovation, proactiveness, and risk taking. Product innovation refers to the ability of a company to create

new products or to modify existing ones to meet the demands of current or future markets. Proactiveness

refers to a company’s capacity to compete in the markets by introducing new products, services, or

technologies. Finally, risk taking refers to company’s willingness to engage in business ventures or

strategies in which the outcome may be highly uncertain. (Zahra – Covin 1995) Another dimension of

intrapreneurship is strategic renewal of the existing organization. This strategic renewal of an existing

organization entails areas such as mission reformation, reorganization as well as system-wide changes

within the organization. (Zahra 1991, 1993, 1996). Renewal is achieved through the redefinition of a

firm’s mission through the creative redeployment of resources (Guth – Ginsberg 1990). Renewal requires

developing or adopting new organizational structures that promote innovation and venturing (Henionen

and corvella, 2003).

Intrapreneurship can give grounds for competitive advantage of an existing organization. Prior researches

propose that intrapreneurial processes are associated with an organization's performance (see e.g. Zahra

1991, Zahra 1995, Zahra – Nielsen et al. 1999, Heinonen 1999, Antoncic & Hisrich 2001). According to

Henionen and corvella (2003) organization performance does not include only financial performance; it

has also non-financial manifestations, such as customer satisfaction as well as job satisfaction of the

employees.

In agricultural extension organization in Iran, complicated hierarchical organizational structure and

centralized planning system is dominant and naturally the level of employees' participation in decision

5

making is so low. This kind of condition does not help employees be intrapreneurs. Therefore it is very

important to find what and how factors affect Intrapreneurship and how managers and policy makers

could prepare necessary conditions for developing Intrapreneurship in extension organization. That is

why in this study knowing organizational prerequisites for entrepreneurship in extension organization is

emphasized.

Purpose

The major purpose of this study was to investigate organizational factors affecting Intrapreneurship in

extension organization in Iran. In this study, the role of employees and also external environment are

excluded. In other words, the paper focuses on how different organizational factors affect

Intrapreneurship. Also the current study analyzes the Relationship between organizational factors and the

level of intrapreneurship.

6

Methods

This study used a descriptive correlational research design. The population included all extension workers

in agricultural extension organization in Iran (N=5345). Based on the ministry of agriculture's planning

system, 6 provinces were randomly selected. In each province, the extension agents in each level of

extension organization were randomly selected. For estimating the target population size (n=215), the

Cochran formula was used with the variance of personal characteristics estimated in pilot test.

A questionnaire was developed from the review of literature. The questionnaire consisted of three

separate sections according to the purpose of the study. The first section included personal characteristics

of the target population. In the second part, the organizational factors such as management behavior,

organizational structure, reward system, organizational culture and communication were assessed as

independent variables and in remaining part, the level of Intrapreneurship in extension organization as

dependent variable was assessed. Likert-type scale that ranged from 1(very low) to 5 (very high) was used

to quantify the responses.

Content and face validity were established by a panel of experts consisting of faculty members at Tehran

University and extension specialist in extension organization. Some changes were made to the

questionnaire as a result of review by panel of experts. A pilot study was conducted with 30 extension

workers in extension organization in Tehran province (not included in the sample) before the study.

Questionnaire reliability was estimated by calculating Cronbach’s alpha. Reliability for the overall

instrument was estimated at 0.86. Data were collected by personal interview method using the

questionnaire described above. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze data. Stepwise multiple

regression and spearman correlation were employed to describe the relationship between organizational

variables and the level of Intrapreneurship.

Results

Demographic profile of the respondents showed that the average age of respondents was 38.7 (SD=8).

Respondents had an average of 13.8 years of experience in their organization. A majority of the

respondents (66.8%) had a Bachelor of Science. only 13.7% of the respondents had been majored in

agricultural extension. Twenty-three percent of respondents held agronomy and plant breeding degree and

22.7% had other agriculture-related degrees. Most of the agents (85.4%) were married.

The following sections present findings about organizational characteristics in extension organization

based on the employees' perceptions:

7

Organizational rules and structure

Table 1, shows the perceptions of the respondents regarding the organizational rules and structures in

extension organization. As indicated in this table, the organizational rules and structure did not prepare

the suitable environment for innovation and creativity (M=2.18) and also, in perceptions of employees,

consistency in job description was somehow an obstacle for being creative (M=3.14). Using participative

mechanisms for decision making was low (M=2.18). Totally, the employees' perceptions showed that the

quality of rules and structure in extension organization was not so suitable for developing

Intrapreneurship.

Table1. Extension Agents' Perceptions of the Organizational Rules and Structure

Organizational Rules and Structure n Mean* S.D

Organizational rules and structure let employees do innovative and creative

jobs

214 2.18 1.241

Instability of job position is an obstacle for employees creativity 214 3.14 1.339

In our organization there are mechanisms for participative decision making 214 2.18 1.179

Employees of different units act as a team work. 210 2.22 1.179

Existing rules don’t let employees change the way of performing their jobs 214 2.80 1.199

Needed information and facilities are ready for doing duties easily 214 2.52 1.073

In our organization, there are loose and informal control and monitoring 205 2.88 1.255

In our organization, there is more emphasis on doing job correctly than

following rules properly.

209 2.78 1.239

Employees' performances are evaluated based on specific job description. 202 2.59 1.391

Total 214 2.36 0.489

*Scale: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = moderate , 4 = high, 5 = very high

Reward system

8

Table 2, shows how the reward system was in extension organization. As it is shown Innovation and

having new ideas are not so important criterion in evaluating employees' performances (M=1.93) and also

performance was not so important in job promotion (M=1.91) and Reward system was not so flexible

based on employees' competencies (M=1.74). As data indicated, using non-financial reward were low

(M=1.92). Totally the data showed that the reward system was not so suitable in keeping creative

employees and improving Intrapreneurial behavior in organization.

Table2. Extension Agents' Perceptions of the Reward System

Reward System n Mean* S.D

Innovation and having new ideas are important criteria in assessing

employees performance

213 1.93 1.314

Performance is the most important criterion in job promotion. 211 1.91 1.355

Giving rewards is flexible and based on employees' competencies 214 1.74 1.168

In this organization, internal motivation and non-financial rewards are

being paid attention

212 1.92 1.216

In our organization, reward system keeps creative persons 213 2.36 1.519

Total 214 1.96 1.05

*Scale: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = moderate , 4 = high, 5 = very high

Management behavior

Table 1, shows the employees perceptions of management behavior in extension organization. As

indicated in this table, management's trying for encouraging the development of new ideas and new ways

of operating is low to moderate (M=2.46), and also applicable new ideas was not widely supported by

management (M=2.55). According to employees' perception, management evaluate employees

moderately based on doing job description (M=2.89). In employees' opinions, management did not like

challenges and different opinion very much (M=2.11). Managers were moderately risk-taker in decision

making (M=2.49) and their trying to recruit creative persons was somehow low (M=2.28).

Totally, the management behavior in extension organization was assessed between low to moderate range

and it shows that the management did not try so much in preparing suitable conditions for developing

Intrapreneurship.

9

Table3. Extension Agents' Perceptions of the Management behavior

Management behavior n Mean* S.D

In my organization, management encourages the development of new ideas

and new ways of operating

214 2.46 1.25

New ideas are supported by management if they are practical 211 2.55 1.18

Management evaluates employees based on doing job description properly 210 2.89 1.32

Management likes challenges and different opinions 208 2.11 1.17

Management is risk-taker in decision making 213 2.49 1.24

Management sees matters also from the employees’ point of view 214 2.03 1.29

Management tries to recruit creative persons 206 2.28 1.30

There is a specific system for getting employees' suggestions. 213 2.28 1.42

In my organization, employees innovation and creativity is important and

valuable

214 2.60 1.27

There is enough authority and freedom for employees in doing their jobs 211 2.43 1.36

Management tries to solve problems by using participative decision making 209 2.54 1.23

Manager uses different management styles in different situations 210 2.48 1.23

Management prefers to delegate the authorities of duties 211 2.81 1.34

total 214 2.40 0.86

*Scale: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = moderate , 4 = high, 5 = very high

Organizational culture

As indicated in table 4, communication between management and employees for solving problems were

not very common in extension organization (M=2.62). In this organization, personnel were not

encouraged to expand their capacity to achievement (M=2.08) and organizations try for culturing the

employees' potential was low (M=1.90). Based on extension workers perceptions, considering the failure

as learning opportunity was so low (M=2.05) and emphasis on teamwork was low (M=2.18). Value of

employees thought and ideas was not an important criterion for evaluating them. As the total of the

answers shows the organizational culture is not suitable for intrapreneurship.

10

Table4. Extension Agents' Perceptions of the Organizational culture

Organizational culture n Mean* S.D

In our organization communication between manager and employees for

solving problems is common

214 2.62 1.22

Personnel are continuously encouraged to expand their capacities to achieve

more

212 2.08 1.08

Organization tries to culture the employees potential 214 1.90 1.25

Failure is seen as an opportunity learning and getting experiences 211 2.05 1.24

There is a strong emphasis on teamwork in our organization 210 2.18 1.24

Our organization has a widely belief that innovation is an absolute necessary

for the organization's future

209 2.60 1.18

Employees are encouraged to continually look at things in a new ways 207 1.94 1.22

Confidence, trust and accountability are words which describe how

management treats the employees

211 2.60 1.20

Employees are evaluated based on the value of their thought and ideas 214 2.01 1.23

In our organization, employees are the key to success 214 2.27 1.31

In our organization, employees decide the way of doing their jobs 213 2.14 1.27

There is a strong commitment to organization and it's goals 213 2.72 1.38

Employees feel that they are their own boss 214 2.08 1.30

Total 214 2.25 0.981

*Scale: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = moderate , 4 = high, 5 = very high

Organizational communication

As in table 5 indicated in extension organization, passing formal hierarchy was emphasized (M=3.39) and

informal communication was not so preferred (M=2.55). Results showed that there were some obstacles

to communication between management and employees (M=3.19) and organizational control system

somehow acted as an obstacle for doing jobs in different ways.

11

Table5. Extension Agents' Perceptions of the Organizational communication

Organizational communication n Mean* S.D

There is a strong emphasis on passing formal hierarchy 211 3.39 1.08

In our organization, informal communication is preferred 207 2.55 1.19

There are some obstacles to communication between management and

employees

211 3.19 1.07

In our organization, there is a nice atmosphere for informal

communication between management and employees

208 2.62 1.19

Organizational control system does not let employees doing jobs in

different ways.

208 2.65 1.17

Total 211 2.18 0.52

*Scale: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = moderate , 4 = high, 5 = very high

12

Measuring Intrapreneurship in extension organization

In this study, the level of Intrapreneurship as dependent variable, was measured with four variables

included Innovation and renewal in plans and procedures, Improving organizational activities, clients'

satisfaction and Employees' Job satisfaction. As indicated in table 6, respondents assessed the level of

innovation and renewal in plans and procedures between low and medium (M=2.51). Respondents

perceived that the effectiveness of organizational activities had been moderately improved in recent years

(M=2.82). According to the results, the level of clients' satisfaction of organizational services was

moderate. But the level of Employees' Job satisfaction was assessed a bit low.

Table6. Extension Agents' Perceptions of the Intrapreneurship in extension organization

variables Descriptors n Mean* S.D

Innovation and

renewal in plans

and procedures

New and different plans or activities in last two years 211 2.80 1.18

New and different ways in doing plans or activities 211 2.67 1.12

Trying to find new clients and customers 213 2.79 1.16

Replacing old methods and procedures with new ones 212 2.61 1.11

Testing new methods in doing organizational activities 213 2.39 1.03

Improving and modifying structure and rules for facilitating

organizational activities

211 2.41 1.06

Setting new organizational units or departments 210 1.91 1.08

Total 212 2.51 0.85

Improving

effectiveness of

organizational

activities

Performing organizational activities without delay 208 3.13 1.07

Using all existing potential and facilities in organization 213 3.21 0.98

Analyzing activities to find out weakness 210 2.54 1.10

Improvement in methods and ways of doing organizational

jobs in recent years

212 2.37 1.16

Achieving organizational goals based on existing opportunities

and facilities

208 2.88 0.96

Total 213 2.82 0.787

clients'

satisfaction

Satisfaction of clients with organizational services 205 3.08 0.91

Knowing the real clients’ needs 209 3.43 1.01

Meeting clients' real needs 210 3.30 0.97

13

Having a friendly relationship with organizational clients 210 3.39 1.09

Research and analyze clients' needs and demands 211 2.42 1.19

Total 213 3.12 0.816

Employees' Job

satisfaction

How much employees feel happy and satisfied in their work? 212 2.29 1.13

How much Employees value their jobs? 213 2.76 1.14

How much others value your work? 210 2.66 1.11

How much your job is interesting? 208 2.63 1.03

How much your duties at work are varied? 213 1.88 1.05

Total 213 2.44 0.79

*Scale: 1 = very low, 2 = low, 3 = moderate , 4 = high, 5 = very high

Correlation between organizational variables and intrapreneurship

Table 7 shows the data relative to relationship between organizational variables and intrapreneurship. A

positive significant relationship at .01 level was found between each one of the organizational variables

and the level of intrapreneurship in extension organization. These findings suggest that as the perceptions

of employees of organizational factors such as management behavior, organizational structure, reward

system, organizational culture and communication were better; the level of intrapreneurship was higher.

Table 7. Relationship between organizational variables and intrapreneurship

Organizational

structure

Reward

system

Management

behavior

Organizational

culture

Organizational

communication

Innovation and renewal

in plans and procedures

r

sig

0.561**

0.000

0.500**

0.000

0.593**

0.000

0.628**

0.000

0.226**

0.001

Improving

effectiveness of

organizational activities

r

sig

0.551**

0.000

0.517**

0.000

0.549**

0.000

0.669**

0.000

0.220**

0.000

clients' satisfaction

r

sig

0.380**

0.000

0.392**

0.000

0.416**

0.000

0.458**

0.000

0.016

0.207

Employees' Job

satisfaction

r

sig

0.459**

0.000

0.497**

0.000

0.515**

0.000

0.689**

0.000

0.261**

0.000

Intrapreneurship r 0.551** 0.532** 0.582** 0.697** 0.212**

14

sig 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.002

Stepwise multiple regressions revealed that two organizational factors including Organizational culture

and Organizational rules and structure explained statistically significant portion of the variance (R

Square=0.519) associated with the extent of intrapreneurship in extension organization. The

organizational culture explained the greatest amount of variance of the extent of intrapreneurship.

Table 8. Stepwise regression of organizational factors on intrapreneurship

variable B Std. Error Beta t sig

Organizational culture 0.395 0.044 0.546 9.069 0.000

Organizational rules and structure 0.349 0.086 0.246 4.071 0.000

constant 1.084 0.167 6.488 0.000

Conclusions and Implications

Based on the findings of this study, the following conclusions were drawn and recommendations made:

All in all, the organizational and managerial factors in extension organization were not supportive for

intrapreneurship. The level of intrapreneurship in extension organization was rated between low to

moderate and positive relationships were found between organizational factors and intrapreneurship.

These findings could indicate that existing organizational environment is not so suitable for improving

intrapreneurship in different levels of organization. Based on these results, it is recommended that

organizational structure and rules should be modified towards entrepreneurial organization. It is also

recommended that managers should behave so kindly to employees' innovative ideas and in order to

motivate entrepreneurs, reward system should be modified.

The multiple regressions indicated that among different organizational and managerial factors, the

organizational culture and organizational structure had more effect on improving intrapreneurship. This

result was an emphasize on the role of organizational culture and structure in providing suitable

environment for developing intrapreneurship. This result was also so important for managers and other

policy makers to find out how organizational structure and culture could be modified in order to facilitate

intrapreneurship.

In modifying organizational structure towards intrapreneurship development, organic structure with

informal communication, decentralized planning system, participative decision making, loose and

15

informal control and monitoring without complicated organizational hierarchy is recommended. To

modify reward system, awarding based on employees competencies and entrepreneurial behavior is

recommended. Finally educational programs for arising employees and managers' awareness and

changing their attitudes towards intrapreneurship and its importance for organization is recommended.

16

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